“…Network analysis can be used to assess the links among a set of entities (Monge, 2003). Scholars have increasingly applied network analysis to media systems to understand audience behavior (McGregor & Mourao, 2016; Taneja, 2014; Taneja, Wu, & Edgerly, 2017; Webster & Ksiazek, 2012; Yuan & Ksiazek, 2011). In network analytic terms, the political news sites are “nodes,” and the audience duplication between them are “links” or “ties.” “Degrees” are the units that describe the number of ties a node exhibits.…”
In a digital environment with many ideologically tinged news outlets, people often assume that audiences will consume content from politically like-minded sources. Such expectations are wholly in keeping with theories of selective exposure, which have long informed studies of media uses and effects (Zillmann & Bryant, 1985), and have helped create a powerful myth of a stark red/blue divide in news consumption (Dilliplane, 2011; Levendusky, 2013; Mullainathan & Shleifer, 2005). Although this myth has been contested using a variety of methods and media platforms (Gentzkow & Shapiro, 2011; Messing & Westwood, 2014; Weeks, Ksiazek, & Holbert, 2016), it perseveres due to the increasingly extreme political polarization among voters within the United States and across the globe (Bump, 2016). In today's political climate, partisans disagree not just about policies but also about "basic facts" (Doherty, Kiley, & Johnson, 2016). "Filter bubbles" offer a straightforward explanation of the mechanism that makes this extreme partisan divide possible. As online news consumption shifts to social network sites (
“…Network analysis can be used to assess the links among a set of entities (Monge, 2003). Scholars have increasingly applied network analysis to media systems to understand audience behavior (McGregor & Mourao, 2016; Taneja, 2014; Taneja, Wu, & Edgerly, 2017; Webster & Ksiazek, 2012; Yuan & Ksiazek, 2011). In network analytic terms, the political news sites are “nodes,” and the audience duplication between them are “links” or “ties.” “Degrees” are the units that describe the number of ties a node exhibits.…”
In a digital environment with many ideologically tinged news outlets, people often assume that audiences will consume content from politically like-minded sources. Such expectations are wholly in keeping with theories of selective exposure, which have long informed studies of media uses and effects (Zillmann & Bryant, 1985), and have helped create a powerful myth of a stark red/blue divide in news consumption (Dilliplane, 2011; Levendusky, 2013; Mullainathan & Shleifer, 2005). Although this myth has been contested using a variety of methods and media platforms (Gentzkow & Shapiro, 2011; Messing & Westwood, 2014; Weeks, Ksiazek, & Holbert, 2016), it perseveres due to the increasingly extreme political polarization among voters within the United States and across the globe (Bump, 2016). In today's political climate, partisans disagree not just about policies but also about "basic facts" (Doherty, Kiley, & Johnson, 2016). "Filter bubbles" offer a straightforward explanation of the mechanism that makes this extreme partisan divide possible. As online news consumption shifts to social network sites (
“…Despite its conceptual elegance, structuration has only been used to study audience behavior in single markets or to make limited cross‐country comparisons (e.g., Perusko et al, ; Yuan & Ksiazek, ). However, we believe that this theoretical framework can be especially useful in studying audience formation on a global scale where one would expect to find greater variation in structural factors.…”
This study investigates the role of both cultural and technological factors in determining audience formation on a global scale. It integrates theories of media choice with theories of global cultural consumption and tests them by analyzing shared audience traffic between the world's 1,000 most popular websites. We find that language and geographic similarities are more powerful predictors of audience overlap than hyperlinks and genre similarity, highlighting the role of cultural structures in shaping global media use.
“…In line with the structuration theory, there have been some attempts at defining audience behaviour patterns according to the media systems model (Peruško et al, 2013;Yuan & Ksiazek, 2011;Webster, 2009). Peruško et al (2015) documented the impact of macro-level institutional structures on micro-audience practices, stating that various digital media systems have a significant effect on all aspects of media use.…”
Section: Media System As a Background For Media Usagementioning
While the overall readership of newspapers is growing as a result of the multiplatform reach, many online media consumers are not offered the surplus value they expect of journalistic content. Since a great deal of journalistic content published on the internet has been free of charge for years, attempting to monetarise this content is now proving complicated. This article considers the motivating factors behind attitudes towards paying for online journalistic content in different population groups. We follow two directions: attitudes towards paying for online news, and obstacles that compromise willingness to pay in different groups. The survey results and trends noticed by media organisations indicate that the public's readiness to pay for journalistic online content is growing, albeit slowly. Based on the outcomes of various interviews we can conclude that the expectation of exclusive quality and web distinctive content are the two main reasons behind willingness to pay for online journalistic content, however, it is difficult to outline particular preference groups based on cultural, demographic, or socio-economic characteristics. This seems to be the result of audience fragmentation-the reasons behind willingness to pay for online journalistic content are hidden in the interests and preferences of small audience groups.
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