2017
DOI: 10.1177/0010836717729179
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The different faces of power in European Union–Russia relations

Abstract: This article applies Barnett and Duvall’s taxonomy of power to European Union (EU)–Russia relations aiming to understand power in its complexity and without a priori theoretical assumptions. Four different types of power – compulsory, institutional, structural and productive – feature simultaneously. It is argued that non-compulsory forms of power are key to understanding the logic of competition in EU–Russia relations in the decade preceding the 2014 Ukraine crisis, despite receiving limited scholarly attenti… Show more

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Cited by 21 publications
(8 citation statements)
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“…To re-affirm its ‘self’, Russia, in response to such EU measures, engaged not only in contesting the EU’s alter-casting but also in asserting its own vision for (its role in) the region. Concretely, Russia took measures to prevent its neighbours from integrating further into the EU by offering them loans, preferential oil and gas prices, and membership in its newly created Eurasian Economic Union (Casier, 2018). Where these measures failed, as they did in Ukraine, Russia, moreover, turned to more coercive measures, such as the annexation of Crimea and the destabilization of Eastern Ukraine, to assert its ‘self’ as a regional power.…”
Section: The Emergence Of a Principled Pragmatist: Role-self Disconnementioning
confidence: 99%
“…To re-affirm its ‘self’, Russia, in response to such EU measures, engaged not only in contesting the EU’s alter-casting but also in asserting its own vision for (its role in) the region. Concretely, Russia took measures to prevent its neighbours from integrating further into the EU by offering them loans, preferential oil and gas prices, and membership in its newly created Eurasian Economic Union (Casier, 2018). Where these measures failed, as they did in Ukraine, Russia, moreover, turned to more coercive measures, such as the annexation of Crimea and the destabilization of Eastern Ukraine, to assert its ‘self’ as a regional power.…”
Section: The Emergence Of a Principled Pragmatist: Role-self Disconnementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Here, Russia directly challenges what it perceives as the EU's ‘normative hegemony’ (Haukkala, 2008) and contests the EU's normative leadership in setting the regional agenda. Russia's contestation can also imply an effort to deny the EU a ‘hegemonic position as an identity producer’ via recognizing or not the Europeanness of other nations in the neighbourhood through their graduated access to the EU integration project (Casier, 2018). Overall, Russia's fragmented treatment of EU actorness can be understood as an attempt to delegitimate the EU's global role as a political heavy weight and partner for security governance and to diminish its international relevance to areas of economic cooperation and to norm‐setting in its immediate neighbourhood.…”
Section: Mapping Contestation: Where Do They Contest and How?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…510-511). For Russia, recognition boils down to being granted a place, role, and seat in the European security institutional structure, which it has been denied since the end of the Cold War (Casier, 2018; Tsygkanov, 2016). If Russia’s signature to the Kyoto Protocol has been facilitated by European support for Russia’s entry into the WTO (Vogler, 2005, pp.…”
Section: Streamlining Eu Foreign Policy For the Anthropocene Eramentioning
confidence: 99%