The contribution of sex distribution, job content, and occupational classification to job sextyping: Two studies

Krefting, Linda A.; Berger, Philip K.; Wallace, Marc J.

doi:10.1016/0001-8791(78)90043-x

Cited by 77 publications

(37 citation statements)

References 8 publications

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“…job responsibilities that are believed to be gender-linked (Heilman, 1983(Heilman, , 1995 or (b.) the sex of the usual job-holder (Cejka & Eagly, 1999;Krefting, Berger, & Wallace, 1978). Managerial jobs, especially at upper levels, have traditionally been considered to be male gender-typed because the high levels of organizational authority, responsibility, and status that are characteristic of these jobs have typically been associated with men, rather than with women, in our society (e.g., Ragins & Sundstrom, 1989), thus adding to the manager-as-male image (e.g., Schein & Mueller, 1992;Schein, Mueller, Lituchy, & Liu, 1996).…”

Section: Performance Evaluationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

When fit is fundamental: Performance evaluations and promotions of upper-level female and male managers.

Lyness

Heilman

2006

Journal of Applied Psychology

545

422

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Using archival organizational data, the authors examined relationships of gender and type of position (i.e., line or staff) to performance evaluations of 448 upper-level managers, and relationships of performance evaluations to promotions during the subsequent 2 years. Consistent with the idea that there is a greater perceived lack of fit between stereotypical attributes of women and requirements of line jobs than staff jobs, women in line jobs received lower performance ratings than women in staff jobs or men in either line or staff jobs. Moreover, promoted women had received higher performance ratings than promoted men and performance ratings were more strongly related to promotions for women than men, suggesting that women were held to stricter standards for promotion.Keywords: gender bias, gender stereotypes, performance appraisal, promotion, glass ceiling Although their presence in the management ranks is increasing, women continue to be underrepresented in senior management at many large private-sector companies (Lyness, 2002;Powell, 1999). One possible explanation is that there are gender differences in performance evaluations, and how women managers' performance is evaluated relative to men's performance influences women's subsequent career success. Yet, relatively little is known about whether or when performance evaluations of women in upper-level management jobs differ from those of their male counterparts, or if female managers' performance ratings differ depending on the types of jobs they hold. Moreover, it is not clear from prior research how performance evaluations are related to the actual career progress of men and women managers. The present study addresses these issues. Performance EvaluationsThe perceived lack of person-job fit has been used to explain the occurrence of gender bias against women in organizational decisions about managers including performance evaluations. That is, the perceived incongruity between stereotypically based attributes ascribed to women (e.g., kind, caring, and relationshiporiented) and the attributes ascribed to men (e.g., tough, forceful, and achievement-oriented) believed to be necessary for success at male gender-typed jobs, is thought to give rise to expectations that women will perform poorly in these positions, and the greater the perceived lack of fit, the more negative the expectations (Heilman, 1983(Heilman, , 1995(Heilman, , 2001). The lack-of-fit model further asserts that these expectations play a key role in evaluative processes because there is a tendency to perpetuate and confirm them. These expectations become the lens through which information is filtered, including what behavior is attended to, how that behavior is interpreted, and whether it is remembered when critical decisions are made. As a consequence, the negative expectations resulting from perceptions of lack of fit detrimentally affect how women are regarded and how their work is evaluated when they are in traditionally male jobs.There is empirical evidence to support the lack-of-fit mo...

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Section: Performance Evaluationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

When fit is fundamental: Performance evaluations and promotions of upper-level female and male managers.

Lyness

Heilman

2006

Journal of Applied Psychology

545

422

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“…An abundance of research from both the age and gender literatures suggests that jobs may be perceived as masculine or feminine (Shinar, 1975) and young or old (Arvey, 1979) and that these job stereotypes (age-and gender-types) are driven by the gender (Krefting et al, 1978) and age (Gordon & Arvey, 1986) of incumbents in those jobs. The age and gender composition of an industry may also provide meaningful contextual information.…”

Section: Age and Gender Contexts And Cognitive Matchingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Job and industry fit: the effects of age and gender matches on career progress outcomes

et al. 2004

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SummaryUsing a sample of 232 MBA alumni, we tested the impact of respondent age, gender, and their interaction on career progress outcomes (managerial level, number of promotions, and salary) and whether age-and gender-type of contexts moderated these relationships. Women's salaries did not increase much with age, whereas men's salaries showed a marked increase with age. We also found a gender Â job gender-type effect on salary, such that women earned somewhat higher salaries in masculine-typed jobs, while men earned considerably higher salaries in feminine-typed jobs. In addition, we observed a three-way interaction between gender, age, and age-type of industry indicating that younger men received more promotions in old-typed industries, while younger women received more promotions in young-typed ones. Results are discussed in light of cognitive matching approaches and status characteristics theory.

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“…An examination of Table 37 in the 1984 volume of the Uniform Crime Reports for the United States (U.S. Department of Justice, 1985) revealed that a higher percentage of Whites was arrested for the white-collar crimes of embezzlement and fraud (72.8070) than for the bluecollar crimes of burglary and robbery (53.3%), whereas a higher percentage of Blacks was arrested for burglary and robbery (45.7%) than for embezzlement and fraud (26.3%). Stereotype research in other areas (e.g., occupational sex typing) has suggested that the actual distribution of people involved in various behaviors may be the most important predictor of stereotypes (Krefting, Berger, & Wallace, 1978).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Perceptions of Blue-Collar and White-Collar Crime: The Effect of Defendant Race on Simulated Juror Decisions

Gordon

Bindrim

McNicholas

et al. 1988

The Journal of Social Psychology

100

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The contribution of sex distribution, job content, and occupational classification to job sextyping: Two studies

Cited by 77 publications

References 8 publications

When fit is fundamental: Performance evaluations and promotions of upper-level female and male managers.

When fit is fundamental: Performance evaluations and promotions of upper-level female and male managers.

Job and industry fit: the effects of age and gender matches on career progress outcomes

Perceptions of Blue-Collar and White-Collar Crime: The Effect of Defendant Race on Simulated Juror Decisions

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