The Contact Hypothesis Revisited: Black-White Interaction and Positive Racial Attitudes

Sigelman, Lee; Welch, Susan

doi:10.2307/2579895

Cited by 276 publications

(280 citation statements)

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“…Other studies have reported that it is relatively common for blacks and whites to report significant contact with members of the other race. In a 1989 national survey, 82% of blacks and 66% of whites claimed to have friends of the other race (Sigelman and Welch, 1993). Jackman and Crane (1986) reported results from a 1975 national sample that showed 10% of whites to have a close black friend, another 21% with a black acquaintance, and 25% of blacks with a close white friend.…”

Section: Trust Networkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Segregation in Social Networks Based on Acquaintanceship and Trust

DiPrete

Gelman

McCormick

et al. 2011

American Journal of Sociology

258

154

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the University of Wisconsin, Madison. We thank Richard Breen and the other participants at these seminars, Nan Lin, Howard Aldrich, and also three anonymous AJS reviewers for their helpful comments and suggestions. Please direct correspondence to Thomas A. DiPrete (tad61@columbia.edu), 601B Knox Hall, Columbia University, 606 W. 122nd St., New York, NY 10027. AbstractUsing data from the 2006 General Social Survey, we compare levels of segregation by race and along other dimensions of potential social cleavage in the contemporary United States.Americans are not as isolated as the most extreme recent estimates suggest. However, hopes that "bridging" social capital is more common in broader acquaintanceship networks than in core networks are not supported by the GSS data. Instead, the entire acquaintanceship network is perceived by Americans to be about as segregated as the much smaller network of close ties. People do not always know the religiosity, political ideology, family behaviors, or socioeconomic status of their acquaintances, but perceived social divisions on these dimensions are high and in some cases rival the extent of racial segregation in acquaintanceship networks.The major challenge to social integration today comes less from the risk of social isolation than from the tendency of many Americans to isolate themselves from others who differ on race, political ideology, level of religiosity, and other salient aspects of social identity.

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Section: Trust Networkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Segregation in Social Networks Based on Acquaintanceship and Trust

DiPrete

Gelman

McCormick

et al. 2011

American Journal of Sociology

258

154

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…For the most part, prior research has failed to incorporate aspects of both context and interaction, and the few studies that have either measure context at too aggregate a level (e.g., Stein et al, 2000) or rely on subjective measures of both the neighborhood and its racial composition (Sigelman and Welch, 1993). Our study overcomes these problems by measuring context at the neighborhood-level (and precisely defining neighborhood boundaries) rather than at the county or metropolitan level, and by using census rather than survey data to measure neighborhood racial and socio-economic characteristics.…”

Section: Measuring Neighborhood Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Indeed, there is a well-established link between neighborhood social organization, including neighborhood racial composition, and a broad range of psychological orientations such as alienation, anxiety, fear, suspicion of out-groups, and mistrust (see e.g., Oliver and Mendelberg, 2000). However, this work tends to focus on either the relationship between racial context and racial attitudes (Bledsoe et al, 1995;Ellison and Powers, 1994;Sigelman and Welch, 1993;Stein et al, 2000) or neighborhood social organization and more general attitudes like trust (Massey, 1996;Ross et al, 2001)-but not both. Moreover, very rarely have researchers measured the extent or nature of social interactions occurring within neighborhoods or considered the possibility that social interaction might counter the negative effects of living in racially or socio-economically heterogeneous places.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Race and the City: Neighborhood Context and the Development of Generalized Trust

Marschall

Stolle²

2004

Political Behavior

318

217

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Previous research has indicated that socio-economic and racial characteristics of an individual's environment influence not only group consciousness and solidarity, but also affect his or her views toward minority or majority groups. Missing from this research is a consideration of how context, social interaction, and interracial experiences combine to shape more general psychological orientations such as generalized trust. In this study we address this gap in the literature by conducting a neighborhoodlevel analysis that examines how race, racial attitudes, social interactions, and residential patterns affect generalized trust. Our findings suggest not only that the neighborhood context plays an important role in shaping civic orientations, but that the diversity of interaction settings is a key condition for the development of generalized trust.

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“…Good theoretical arguments have been made for both perspectives. In favor of the salutary effects of ethnic proximity, proponents of the contact hypothesis argue that prejudice and intolerance are rooted in individual ignorance of other groups, which can be ameliorated through contact between groups (e.g., Brewer and Miller 1988;Siegelman and Welch 1993;Siegelman, Welch, and Bledsoe 1996;Welch and Siegelman 2000). In this view, the greater the level of contact between groups, the more each group learns about the other, and the greater the realization of shared interests and values.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Does Familiarity Breed Contempt? Inter-Ethnic Contact and Support for Illiberal Parties

Kopstein¹,

Wittenberg²

2009

The Journal of Politics

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Does contact between ethnic groups lead to greater support for liberal parties? Research on this debate in the US context is contaminated by high levels of mobility and a truncated party palette. This paper addresses the problem through a detailed examination of the 1929 and 1935 national parliamentary elections in Czechoslovakia, where mobility was relatively limited, the spectrum of parties was broad, and the ethnic groups were numerous. We employ ecological inference techniques on an original database of election and census results to estimate Czech, Slovak, Hungarian, and German support for liberal, fascist, nationalist, populist, and communist parties across a variety of local ethnic demographic configurations. The results show that on its own, inter-ethnic contact has indeterminate electoral effects: no uniform pattern of support for liberal parties exists either across or within ethnic groups. Contrary to expectation, this finding holds under both ethnically cooperative and conflictual national political environments. We surmise that this electoral behavior may be rooted as much in national demography and party organization as in the constraints posed by the local demographic context.

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The Contact Hypothesis Revisited: Black-White Interaction and Positive Racial Attitudes

Cited by 276 publications

References 0 publications

Segregation in Social Networks Based on Acquaintanceship and Trust

Segregation in Social Networks Based on Acquaintanceship and Trust

Race and the City: Neighborhood Context and the Development of Generalized Trust

Does Familiarity Breed Contempt? Inter-Ethnic Contact and Support for Illiberal Parties

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