“…Trophy hunting is used to reverse the decimation of wildlife populations by the death and desecration of individual wildlife, exemplifying the (oppressive) anthropocentric values that arguably precipitated the decline of Africa's wildlife in the first place (Chibvongodze 2016). Where local communities benefit from trophy hunting, their livelihoods remain dependent on Western patronage, reproducing social and moral hierarchies that were erected in colonial times (Yufanyi Movuh 2012). Where trophy hunting provides few or no benefits to local communities, the practice fails to alleviate neocolonial conditions of poverty, corruption, and exploitation (e.g., Benjaminsen & Svarstad 2010; Wilfred et al.…”
Should conservationists use lethal management to control introduced wildlife populations? Should they kill individual animals to protect endangered species? Are trade-offs that prioritize some values at the expense of others morally appropriate? These sorts of ethical questions are common in conservation. In debating such questions, conservationists often seem to presume 1 of 2 possible answers: the act in question is right or it is wrong. But morality in conservation is considerably more complex than this simple binary suggests. A robust conservation ethic requires a vocabulary that gives voice to the uncertainty and unease that arise when what seems to be the best available course of action also seems to involve a measure of wrongdoing. The philosophical literature on moral residue and moral dilemmas supplies this vocabulary. Moral dilemmas arise when one must neglect certain moral requirements to fulfill others. Under such circumstances, even the best possible decision leaves a moral residue, which is experienced emotionally as some form of grief. Examples of conservation scenarios that leave a moral residue include management of introduced rabbits in Australia, trophy hunting in Africa, and forest management trade-offs in the Pacific Northwest. Moral residue is integral to the moral experience of conservationists today, and grief is an appropriate response to many decisions conservationists must make.
“…Trophy hunting is used to reverse the decimation of wildlife populations by the death and desecration of individual wildlife, exemplifying the (oppressive) anthropocentric values that arguably precipitated the decline of Africa's wildlife in the first place (Chibvongodze 2016). Where local communities benefit from trophy hunting, their livelihoods remain dependent on Western patronage, reproducing social and moral hierarchies that were erected in colonial times (Yufanyi Movuh 2012). Where trophy hunting provides few or no benefits to local communities, the practice fails to alleviate neocolonial conditions of poverty, corruption, and exploitation (e.g., Benjaminsen & Svarstad 2010; Wilfred et al.…”
Should conservationists use lethal management to control introduced wildlife populations? Should they kill individual animals to protect endangered species? Are trade-offs that prioritize some values at the expense of others morally appropriate? These sorts of ethical questions are common in conservation. In debating such questions, conservationists often seem to presume 1 of 2 possible answers: the act in question is right or it is wrong. But morality in conservation is considerably more complex than this simple binary suggests. A robust conservation ethic requires a vocabulary that gives voice to the uncertainty and unease that arise when what seems to be the best available course of action also seems to involve a measure of wrongdoing. The philosophical literature on moral residue and moral dilemmas supplies this vocabulary. Moral dilemmas arise when one must neglect certain moral requirements to fulfill others. Under such circumstances, even the best possible decision leaves a moral residue, which is experienced emotionally as some form of grief. Examples of conservation scenarios that leave a moral residue include management of introduced rabbits in Australia, trophy hunting in Africa, and forest management trade-offs in the Pacific Northwest. Moral residue is integral to the moral experience of conservationists today, and grief is an appropriate response to many decisions conservationists must make.
“…Civil society (NGOs and community-based organizations) have been extremely active in the community forestry sector (Minang et al 2007a, Movuh 2012. They have mobilized tremendous amounts of money for operationalization and implementation of CF activities.…”
Section: Universities and Consultantsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…It can be said that it was a huge innovation not only for community forestry, but also for forestry in Cameroon, given that it remains the most detailed document guiding the management of any forest unit in the country. It is also fair to mention that it has been criticized for being onerous, complex, and resource demanding (Djeumo 2001, Mbile et al 2009, Movuh 2012.…”
Section: Toward Sustainable Managementmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Much more can be done to enhance this collaboration between community forests and private sector especially in relation to financing and technical support (Mayers andVermeulen 2002, Antinori andBray 2005). Evidence exists of strong community and NGO partnerships in Cameroon (Minang et al 2007a, Movuh 2012). These partnerships have been largely responsible for the majority of innovations and would need to be incentivized going forward to power innovations (Piabuo et al 2018).…”
Section: Managing Partnerships and Collaborationmentioning
Cameroon introduced community forestry (CF) in 1994 as a means of improving community engagement in forest management, enhancing forest conservation, and reducing poverty for forest-dependent people. More than 20 years on, reflection on uptake, conceptual evolution, and innovation is necessary to understand how best community forests can contribute to Cameroon's post-2015 sustainable development goals. We investigate, review, and reflect on how community forestry has evolved from an innovation ecosystem perspective, with a view to enhancing innovations and performance. Interest and momentum in community forestry remains strong in Cameroon, with the number of community forests growing, reaching 430 and covering 1.7 million ha (7% of total forest area). Major innovations identified are the introduction of pre-emption rights and steps toward sustainable forest management (ban on industrial logging, development of certification standards, and the introduction of the environmental notice in lieu of a full environmental impact assessment for CF activities). Little or no innovation is registered in areas related to forest enterprise (i.e., products and services value chains) and in terms of practicing sustainable forest management. Evidence suggests that knowledge generated directly feeds innovation. Coincidentally, areas for which little progress was made (enterprise and sustainable practices) also recorded few publications, suggesting that partnerships aimed at improving knowledge generation and sharing could help catalyze innovation. Other options for unlocking innovations within community forestry discussed include: enhancing intercommunity forest and private sector community forests partnerships and collaboration, increased capacity development and capital investments, and deploying incentives (financial and nonfinancial). Together these options can potentially transform community forestry in Cameroon.
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