‘The Chinese and the Thais are Brothers': the evolution of the Sino–Thai friendship

Chambers, Michael

doi:10.1080/10670560500205100

Cited by 22 publications

(14 citation statements)

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“…Deng first visited Thailand during his ASEAN tour, meeting with King Rama 9 (A). China and Thailand never had any major dispute (N) and the “friendly neighbor approach” toward most Southeast Asian countries (N) is elevated to “brotherhood” with Thailand (N, I) (Chambers, 2005).…”

Section: Different Paths Multiple Factors Similar Goalsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Playing Safe or Taking Risks? Comparing China and Japan's Soft Power Strategies in Thailand

Carminati

2020

Asian Politics and Policy

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This paper aims to highlight the increasing value of Joseph Nye's concept of soft power in East Asia by observing the actions of China and Japan in Thailand. The two major powers are trying to gather sociocultural and political resources towards improved economic relations and collaborations, while mostly detaching from ideological promotion. This article gathers opinions from "intellectual elites" to assess how the two countries understand soft power in action while outlining their main objectives, strategies, and impact. Although China's reputation is gradually improving, the country seems to be playing a risky game where admiration for its economic prowess and skepticism towards its opaque methods are equally present, resulting in a precarious position. Japan's image is still positive and stable, but its safe-playing stance seems to reflect the geopolitical status-quo and could be a missed opportunity to emerge as the third option beyond China and the United States.

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Section: Different Paths Multiple Factors Similar Goalsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Playing Safe or Taking Risks? Comparing China and Japan's Soft Power Strategies in Thailand

Carminati

2020

Asian Politics and Policy

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“…85–86). China also mediated a 1975 agreement to establish relations between Thailand and Cambodia, with the purpose of ‘creating a “united front” against Hanoi expansionism’ (Chambers, 2005, pp. 609–610).…”

Section: Theoretical Assessment Of the Third Indochina War (1978–1991)mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Deng assured Thai Prime Minister Kriangsak Chamanan that Beijing would end its support for the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT) and would punish Hanoi for its hegemonic behaviour. Deng stated that Thailand’s security mattered to Beijing, as did the stability of Southeast Asia, and that China would help enhance Thai security against the Vietnamese threat (Chambers, 2005, p. 613). Kriangsak did not immediately agree to a formal alliance, although the meeting was a step closer to enhanced relations between the two.…”

Section: Theoretical Assessment Of the Third Indochina War (1978–1991)mentioning

confidence: 99%

ASEAN and the Dynamics of Resistance to Sovereignty Violation: The Case of the Third Indochina War (1978–1991)

Southgate

2015

Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs

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This article investigates the history of ASEAN's relationship to external intervention in regional affairs. It addresses a specific question: What was the basic cause of the success of ASEAN resistance to the Vietnamese challenge to ASEAN's sovereignty from 1978-1991? ASEAN's history is understood in terms of a realist theoretical logic, in terms of the relationship between an ASEAN state with the most compelling interests at stake in a given issue, which I call a 'vanguard state,' and selected external powers. Using the Third Indochina War (1978)(1979)(1980)(1981)(1982)(1983)(1984)(1985)(1986)(1987)(1988)(1989)(1990)(1991) as a case study, this article contends that ASEAN's ability to resist violations to the sovereignty of Thailand from a Soviet-backed Vietnam is a consequence of high interest convergence between Thailand, and a designated external power, China.

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“…China still has many ‘friendly neighbours’ such as Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam, which helps stem the rise of anti-Chinese sentiments (Chambers 2005; Maung 2009; Vuving 2006). But these relationships involve many complicated issues and may not be stable.…”

Section: Explaining the New Nationalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Southeast Asia's New Nationalism: Causes and Significance

Vu¹

2013

TRaNS

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This paper explains the post-Cold War surge of nationalism in Southeast Asia and discusses its significance for regional peace and cooperation. As argued, the growth of nationalism as a form of mass politics has different causes in each Southeast Asian context where it occurs, but at the regional level the phenomenon can be explained by three factors: the failure of earlier nationalist movements to fully deliver their promises; a shift in the international and regional order (the end of the Cold War and the rise of China); and a change in domestic order (political liberalisation and democratisation) that was also occurring across many countries in the region. While the main mission of the new nationalism is the defence of national territory, the movements have the unintended impact of bringing together national communities once divided by Cold War ideologies. The phenomenon also poses some serious risks to regional peace and cooperation.

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‘The Chinese and the Thais are Brothers': the evolution of the Sino–Thai friendship

Cited by 22 publications

References 0 publications

Playing Safe or Taking Risks? Comparing China and Japan's Soft Power Strategies in Thailand

Playing Safe or Taking Risks? Comparing China and Japan's Soft Power Strategies in Thailand

ASEAN and the Dynamics of Resistance to Sovereignty Violation: The Case of the Third Indochina War (1978–1991)

Southeast Asia's New Nationalism: Causes and Significance

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