Search citation statements
Paper Sections
Citation Types
Year Published
Publication Types
Relationship
Authors
Journals
The study of imperial rivalries is progressing at a rapid rate as more national archives become available and more researchers enter the field. But this progress tends too often to be a linear one, teaching us more about the aspirations, strategies and accomplishments of the rival powers but little about what took place within the actual pieces of territory over which they contested. And this is understandable, because whereas the former domain can be discussed with an increasing degree of precision, the latter tends to be more intractable. After all, colonial possessions were the 'objects', things to be fought over and about. 1 The intention of this paper, however, is to look at the other, perhaps more problematic, dimensions of imperial rivalry, viz., the awareness and activities of the inhabitants and residents of one colonial territory with respect to the keen international competition over their country. By inhabitants and residents I mean to include not only the indigenous peoples of Cameroun but also the French administrators who were present in the territory during the interwar period. A secondary concern of this author regards the possible links between imperial rivalry and the early stirrings of nationalism among colonial subjects. Students of nationalist movements in post-1945 Africa are finding it necessary to go further back into the history of particular territories to discover the roots of the anti-colonial sentiments which appeared to arise full-blown after World War II. The case of the former French territory of Cameroun is of particular importance in this regard for several reasons. First of all, there emerged in this territory in 1948 a radical nationalist movement which posed such a strong challenge to French colonial rule that it was forced underground in 1955 and, beginning 1 For example, the very useful and substantial volumes edited by Prosser Giffbrd and Wm. Roger Louis can be perused in vain to discover some idea of what were the consequences of these rivalries within the colonial territories. Cf. Britain and Germany in Africa: Imperial Rivalry and Colonial Rule (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1967); and France and Britain in Africa: Imperial Rivalry and Colonial Rule (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1971). In fact, the articles tend to be either about imperial rivalry or colonial rule. 65 2 This movement is the subject of a doctoral thesis by this author at Nuffield College, Oxford University, 'Radical Nationalism in Cameroun: The Case of the Union des Populations du Cameroun (U.P.C.)', 1973. 3 This non-advocacy of what is the usual objective of anti-colonial movements is discussed by Michael Crowder in 'Independence as a Goal in French West African Politics: 1944-60', in William Lewis, ed., French-Speaking Africa: The Search for Identity (New York: Walker and Company, 1965). 4 Although the U.P.C. was eventually crushed by French troops, its two goals of independence and reunification were finally achieved, albeit in circumstances favourable to preserving Fren...
This article explores the dreams recorded by Ruben Um Nyobe in 1958, shortly before his death during the struggle which the Union des Populations du Cameroun waged against the terms which the French and their local allies sought to impose on Camerounese independence. The struggle should not be categorized in the inflationary rhetoric of African ‘revolutions’. Rather, it should be viewed as a movement of resistance and assertion within the colonial arena, where European authorities controlled certain strategic points while African communities maintained predominance at other locations. In this connection it is important to understand the importance which African communities in southern Cameroun attached to the world of the invisible and the ‘economy of the night’. It was in the invisible world that Africans, and especially those who were considered to be leaders and therapists in their societies, had sought to manipulate the ‘economy of the day’ and the strategic points controlled by the colonial economy and administration since the late 19th century. In this context, the dreams and annotations of Um Nyobe become significant, not as an expression of sexual preoccupations or the residual psychological orientations of his society, but as historical evidence: signs and statements of his effort to control the day, direct the struggle, and bring healing to his community, and acts of political as well as cultural significance. The colonial regime framed and affected the lives of its subjects, even to the point of consciousness and dreams, but at the same time the subjects fashioned their own space, refashioned their institutions, reinterpreted the actions of the regime and continually undermined its authority.
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.
customersupport@researchsolutions.com
10624 S. Eastern Ave., Ste. A-614
Henderson, NV 89052, USA
Copyright © 2024 scite LLC. All rights reserved.
Made with 💙 for researchers
Part of the Research Solutions Family.