The BJP and Backward Castes in Gujarat

Shah, Ghanshyam

doi:10.1215/07323867-14-1-57

Cited by 7 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…196 and 199). Moreover, BJP had initiated the process of recruiting OBCs way before Modi's chief ministership: as early as the mid-1980s, BJP had floated a forum for Kshatriyas to counter the Congress supportive Kshatriya Sabha (Shah, 1994b). After the 1998 election, Keshubhai Patel's new government had appointed 11 OBC ministers, cumulatively in the cabinet and MoS, two more than his previous government.…”

Section: Gujarat Under Modi: a Case Of Superficial Democratizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

In the Hindutva Heartland: Bharatiya Janata Party’s Superficial Democratization in Gujarat

Laliwala

2020

Studies in Indian Politics

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This article examines Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s hegemony in Gujarat by studying the changes inaugurated by the party in the caste profile of Gujarati political elites. I showcase the transition of BJP from a party of elite castes to a limited accommodation of a few Hindu backward castes, especially under Narendra Modi’s chief ministership. However, I argue that the recruitment of Hindu backward castes as ministers represents a case of superficial democratization as they were appointed in non-influential ministries or were co-opted only near election time. Indeed, Modi’s developmentalist regime solidified the dominance of upper castes and Patels from an urban background and a few Rajputs, and led to a rural backlash in the form of Patel agitation. In the final section, I analyse these still emerging trends in Gujarat’s polity, which became visible on a rural–urban continuum in the 2017 state election.

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Section: Gujarat Under Modi: a Case Of Superficial Democratizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

In the Hindutva Heartland: Bharatiya Janata Party’s Superficial Democratization in Gujarat

Laliwala

2020

Studies in Indian Politics

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“…In India, mandated ethnic quotas in legislative and public administrative institutions have enabled a small number of lower caste and tribal citizens to attain relative prosperity (Chaudhury 2004). As they ascend the class hierarchy, members of this “creamy layer” might see the BJP's elite-friendly platform as increasingly programmatically appealing (Shah 1994). Sociologists have noted that upwardly mobile non-elites often also seek greater social status through assimilative mimicry of elite practices (in India, this process was dubbed “Sanskritization”; see Srinivas 1956).…”

Section: Testing a Division-of-labor Argumentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Elite Parties and Poor Voters: Theory and Evidence from India

Thachil

2014

Am Polit Sci Rev

124

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Why do poor people often vote against their material interests? This article extends the study of this global paradox to the non-Western world by considering how it manifests within India, the world's biggest democracy. Arguments derived from studies of advanced democracies (such as values voting) or of poor polities (such as patronage and ethnic appeals) fail to explain this important phenomenon. Instead, I outline a novel strategy predicated on an electoral division of labor enabling elite parties to recruit the poor while retaining the rich. Recruitment is outsourced to nonparty affiliates that provide basic services to appeal to poor communities. Such outsourcing permits the party to maintain programmatic linkages to its elite core. Empirically, I test this argument with qualitative and quantitative evidence, including a survey of more than 9,000 voters. Theoretically, I argue that this approach is best suited to elite parties with thick organizations, typically those linked to religious social movements.

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“…This became clear when the RSS-BJP-VHP combination was forced to come out against the Mandal report and its proposals for assuring backward castes and communities greater access to educational and job opportunities through more government reservations for these groups. In the campaigning for the 1996 elections, the BJP made a specific point of wooing lower caste voters by focusing on economic and development issues-message that won votes in states such as Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh where the Congress had lost credibility (Shah 1994). The electoral interests of the BJP have thus had an obvious impact on the choice of issues and themes upon which public support is sought (Tarrow 1994).…”

Section: The Future Of Hindutva: the Public Responsementioning

confidence: 99%

Hindutva: The Shaping of a New “Hindu” Identity

Ratan

1998

Southeastern Political Review

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This paper examines the Hindu‐Muslim conflict in India within the context of nationalist party politics in the sub‐continent. This paper analyzes the environment within which the Hindu nationalist message was and is currently being formulated; the organizational structure of the movement; and the symbols and strategies that have helped to popularize the message on Hindutva in recent years. The paper concludes with an analysis of the popular response to Hindutva and the problems facing the BJP and Us parent organizations in carrying out the program toward a revolutionized Hindu rashtra. The aim is to provide an understanding of the historical and political forces at work in the recent anti‐Muslim violence in India.

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The BJP and Backward Castes in Gujarat

Cited by 7 publications

References 0 publications

In the Hindutva Heartland: Bharatiya Janata Party’s Superficial Democratization in Gujarat

In the Hindutva Heartland: Bharatiya Janata Party’s Superficial Democratization in Gujarat

Elite Parties and Poor Voters: Theory and Evidence from India

Hindutva: The Shaping of a New “Hindu” Identity

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