The Baath Party: Rise and Metamorphosis

Devlin, John F.

doi:10.2307/2165277

Cited by 52 publications

(17 citation statements)

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“…A similar story to Syria was playing out in neighboring Iraq, where the Ba'ath Party gained power [15], which eventually led to the rise of Saddam Hussein in 1979 and the creation of Iraq into a unified Arab nation [16]. To this effect, Saddam penned policies emphasizing Arab unity, such as the Arab National Charter in 1980, which attempted to increase Arab cooperation towards common regional goals.…”

Section: Nationalism and Pan-islamism: Responses To The Western Concementioning

confidence: 99%

Religion and Politics: What Does God Have To Do with It?

Césari

2015

Religions

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Since 9/11, and even more so with the atrocities committed by ISIS in Iraq and Syria, violence in the name of God is predominantly perceived as a "different" kind of violence, which triggers more "absolute" and radical manifestations than its secular counter parts. In its first part, this article will challenge this so called exceptionalism of religious violence by questioning the neat divide between politics and religion that makes any forms of interactions between the two illegitimate or dangerous. It will look specifically at state actions vis-à-vis religions since the inception of the nation-state and show that the most extreme cases of violence in the name of religion are actually closely associated with specific forms of politicization of religion initiated by "secular" state actors and/or institutions. It argues that the "hegemonic" status granted to a religion by the state is often associated with greater political violence, building on research conducted in Egypt, Turkey, Iraq, and Pakistan.

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Section: Nationalism and Pan-islamism: Responses To The Western Concementioning

confidence: 99%

Religion and Politics: What Does God Have To Do with It?

Césari

2015

Religions

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“…To these goals, the Baathists added socialism (ishtirakiyah), which they interpreted as social justice for the poor and underprivileged." 31 In July 1946, shortly after French troops left Syria, Aflaq and Bitar published the journal Al-Baath; and, in April 1947, the founding Baath Congress was held in Damascus. During the congress, a different group emerged: some were from Latakia, and the majority of them were Alawites.…”

Section: The Baath Partymentioning

confidence: 99%

Roots of Alawite‐Sunni Rivalry in Syria

Fildiş

2012

Middle East Policy

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“…The party, which united with the Syrian Socialist party to form the Arab Socialist Ba'ath party in 1954, was nearly crushed during the United Arab Republic period between 1958 and 1961. Despite the factionalism that had plagued its leadership in the formative stages (e.g., in the tensions between Akram al-Hawrani of the Arab Socialist party, the moderate Sunni general Amin Hafez, Colonel Hatoum, and the Alawi officer Salah Jedid), the Ba'ath party, itself the product of fundamental changes in the class structure beginning in the 1940s (Hinnebusch 1991, 30, 32, 34;Kaminsky and Kruk 1987), attained a high degree of institutionalization, and, despite the internal difficulties, ultimately gained total control over the political system in March 1963 (Devlin 1991); thereafter, the Ba'ath party and the military served as the principal institutions for "interest articulation" and "interest aggregation." They established what Amos Perlmutter (1969) has referred to as a "praetorian state."…”

Section: Nation-building State-building and Diasporizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Diasporan Subalternities: The Armenian Community in Syria

Payaslian¹

2007

dsp

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This article offers an account of Syria’s substantial Armenian diasporic community, concentrating on how it negotiated its integration without assimilation into the larger Syrian society (itself not homogeneous but long dominated by a single political system). The analysis relies on themes and approaches developed by subaltern studies; ideas drawn from it enable us to delineate the trajectory of the diasporan community. Successfully maintaining its distinct cultural identity as a result of the closed nature of the political system, and further buttressed by the religio-cultural barriers between the Armenian Christian community and the Arab Muslim dominant groups, this community has nevertheless accepted permanent subalternization; it has failed to develop its full potential in cultural creativity and political confidence. Neither the technological nor the economic forces emanating from globalization, despite the liberalization policies pursued under the Asad governments, have proved sufficient to change the closed nature of the Syrian political economy. The permanent peripheralization of the Armenians in Syria has meant that they either dwell voicelessly in the realm of diasporan subalternities or exit. The community has declined, in terms of both numbers and vitality, since the early 1960s. This article proposes a theoretical framework that combines studies of diasporan transformation and Albert Hirschman’s analysis of “voice, exit, and loyalty” in order to develop a more complete picture of the evolution of an exilic community into a diasporic community and, finally, its decline and potential dissolution.

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The Baath Party: Rise and Metamorphosis

Cited by 52 publications

References 0 publications

Religion and Politics: What Does God Have To Do with It?

Religion and Politics: What Does God Have To Do with It?

Roots of Alawite‐Sunni Rivalry in Syria

Diasporan Subalternities: The Armenian Community in Syria

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