“The Anti-Poverty Hoax”: Development, pacification, and the making of community in the global 1960s

Roy, Ananya; Schrader, Stuart; Crane, Emma Shaw

doi:10.1016/j.cities.2014.07.005

Cited by 29 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…The velvet-glove approach also promoted by Nixon through the ideology of "black capitalism" and aided by the designs of the Ford Foundation and Urban Coalition, consisted of promoting a buffer class of Black business owners and politicians beholden to white capital and expanding working and middle-class jobs as strategies to stymie Black working-class resistance 3 . Moreover, demonstrating that internal colonialism cannot be reduced to mere metaphor but rather can be understand as a specific political formation, Roy, Schrader, and Crane (2015) specifically targeted Black people living in urban spaces marked as more likely to engage in revolutionary forms of political resistance while also promoting increasingly more punitive policing. In this process, poverty and community development became the rubrics through which liberal urban policy articulated and carried out this colonial politics in urban spaces as poverty became territorialized as an "urban problem" that needed to be contained.…”

Section: Internal Colonialism In the Citymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The velvet-glove approach also promoted by Nixon through the ideology of "black capitalism" and aided by the designs of the Ford Foundation and Urban Coalition, consisted of promoting a buffer class of Black business owners and politicians beholden to white capital and expanding working and middle-class jobs as strategies to stymie Black working-class resistance 3 . Moreover, demonstrating that internal colonialism cannot be reduced to mere metaphor but rather can be understand as a specific political formation, Roy, Schrader, and Crane (2015) connect the iron fist and velvet glove approach of a "double system of pacification" (p. 140) in US imperial policy in the Kennedy and Johnson administrations-which relied on military invasion alongside other forms of pacification such as aid-to the Ford Foundation Gray Areas Program and the subsequent War on Poverty, both which promoted assimilation and integration into liberal urban policy. The Gray Areas Program, as a precursor to War on Poverty strategies, specifically targeted Black people living in urban spaces marked as more likely to engage in revolutionary forms of political resistance while also promoting increasingly more punitive policing.…”

Section: Internal Colonialism In the Citymentioning

confidence: 99%

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The racial and colonial dimensions of gentrification

Kent‐Stoll

2020

Sociology Compass

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In recent years, studies of gentrification have added a deeper political economic, political, and cultural understanding to this process by demonstrating how it can be understood as not only driven by the physical displacement of working-class residents but also by the political, cultural, and physical displacement of poor and working-class Black, Latinx, Asian, and Indigenous populations. In this study, I review these recent key works in urban sociology, geography, and urban history which examine the specifically racial and colonial dimensions of gentrification. These works provide invaluable insights to the political economic, political, and cultural dimensions of gentrification, but are still constrained by not developing a deeper historical analytics of the racial and colonial structures which shape gentrification. Because of this, the foundations of anti-Black and anti-Indigenous racism which make possible the commodification of space and devaluation and dispossession of people that gentrification requires, remain obscured. I argue the alternative frameworks of settler colonialism, internal colonialism, and coloniality-developed largely separate from urban sociology-can provide a sharper analysis to the study of gentrification by helping to more explicitly name and explain the racial and colonial structures, logics, and subjectivities which shape gentrification.

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Section: Internal Colonialism In the Citymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The velvet-glove approach also promoted by Nixon through the ideology of "black capitalism" and aided by the designs of the Ford Foundation and Urban Coalition, consisted of promoting a buffer class of Black business owners and politicians beholden to white capital and expanding working and middle-class jobs as strategies to stymie Black working-class resistance 3 . Moreover, demonstrating that internal colonialism cannot be reduced to mere metaphor but rather can be understand as a specific political formation, Roy, Schrader, and Crane (2015) connect the iron fist and velvet glove approach of a "double system of pacification" (p. 140) in US imperial policy in the Kennedy and Johnson administrations-which relied on military invasion alongside other forms of pacification such as aid-to the Ford Foundation Gray Areas Program and the subsequent War on Poverty, both which promoted assimilation and integration into liberal urban policy. The Gray Areas Program, as a precursor to War on Poverty strategies, specifically targeted Black people living in urban spaces marked as more likely to engage in revolutionary forms of political resistance while also promoting increasingly more punitive policing.…”

Section: Internal Colonialism In the Citymentioning

confidence: 99%

The racial and colonial dimensions of gentrification

Kent‐Stoll

2020

Sociology Compass

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“…The WAG is thus a manifestation of how ‘citizen participation’ is at times far from having empowering effects (cf. Roy et al., 2015). Instead of putting the water company under pressure, it is a tool to release pressure on them and the government.…”

Section: Technologies Of Pressure Management 2: Complaint Collection mentioning

confidence: 99%

Hacking the pipes: Hydro-political currents in a Nairobi housing estate

Schramm

Ibrahim²

2019

Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space

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Nairobi's water supply reflects broader dynamics of urban resource distribution, politics and power relations. Continuous disinvestment into the city's large technological system of water supply has contributed to extreme water shortages in some parts of the city, while residents in other parts have enjoyed unrestricted access to the resource largely since the colonial period. Also, recent water sector reforms that focus less on technological networks and artefacts than on water governance have not alleviated the highly uneven distribution of water in the city. This is the context for our investigation of variegated technopolitics of water pressure management by different actors in one specific settlement: Nyayo Highrise estate. This middle-class housing estate has suffered extreme water shortages in the past decade. We start our investigation from a perspective of technology as a space of possibility-infrastructural networks and artefacts as well as related mobile technologies are not stable or fixed results of past planning decisions, but they are affected by, and at the same time shape, the ways in which people exert social and political pressure (or not). We analyse the manifold ways in which urban actors try to access, negotiate and change the city's water flows, be it through manipulating the network of water pipes, through the provision of decentralized technologies, or through activism and public protest. We argue that this is an important intervention into current debates on African urbanisms, because it demonstrates how technology and infrastructure are spaces of possibility that may work towards emancipation and repression at the same time.

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“…Another problem is poverty, which currently requires special attention to the poor groups of people from all related parties. Points out that poverty is closely linked to the problems of social deprivation, water resource networks, residence, public health, sanitation, education, and transport (Roy et al, 2015).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Poverty Alleviation through Social Entrepreneur

Yusriadi

Bin-Tahir

Awaluddin

et al. 2020

j.Educ.hum.soc.sciences

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This research was conducted to determine the application of social entrepreneurship; this will be one solution to revive the country's economy, especially the business sector, which has had a huge impact due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The number of informants in this study was 10 mothers who received assistance from the Family Hope Program (PKH). The data in this study were obtained from the results of observation, interviews, and documentation. The results of the study describe the existence of social entrepreneurs that were carried out on PKH beneficiary mothers who have given positive results to revive business groups in Indonesia which have an impact on COVID-19, especially which will contribute to the surrounding community for transformation by seeing business opportunities carried out with a social spirit in this era of COVID-19. Social entrepreneurs who are carried out through mentoring have opened new businesses in the economy, which will add to the heterogeneity of entrepreneurs in Indonesia

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“The Anti-Poverty Hoax”: Development, pacification, and the making of community in the global 1960s

Cited by 29 publications

References 7 publications

The racial and colonial dimensions of gentrification

The racial and colonial dimensions of gentrification

Hacking the pipes: Hydro-political currents in a Nairobi housing estate

Poverty Alleviation through Social Entrepreneur

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