Territorial origins of center-seeking and self-determination claims in Africa

Lewis, Jacob S.; Widmeier, Michael

doi:10.1016/j.polgeo.2021.102564

Cited by 2 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 52 publications

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“…However, I also run robustness tests with the Uppsala Georeferenced Event Data(Davies et al, 2022;Sundberg & Melander, 2013) that include armed conflict battles. The results are mostly-though not entirely-consistent with those presented below.10 Spatially oriented work in conflict studies has often employed similar (50-100 km) buffers and spatial units when examining the spatial determinants and correlates of conflict(Buhaug, 2006;Cederman et al, 2014;Lewis & Widmeier, 2022). I opt for 50 km because this provides a hyperlocal measurement.11 In order to verify that this technique produces an accurate representation of the country, I checked the national-level proportions found within the Afrobarometer data against the CIA World Factbook's estimated population.…”

supporting

confidence: 71%

“…The most obvious is that the generalisability of this study is confounded by the specific historical particularities within the Nigeria-Biafra conflict. 2 See Lewis and Widmeier (2022) for discussion of self-determination movements that are not explicitly ethnic.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Scholars have detailed state responses to breakaway claims (Walter, 2009) and the internal dynamics of states and fragmentation of rebel groups (Cunningham, 2014;Cunningham et al, 2012). Centring analysis on rebel groups has helped to explain centre-seeking or separatist claim-making (Lewis & Widmeier, 2022) and the mode of political engagement by such groups (Cunningham, 2013). And focusing on spatial factors has explained the levels of violence and conflict strategies employed by self-determination groups (Buhaug, 2006(Buhaug, , 2010Toft, 2003).…”

Section: Conflict Ethnicity and Popular Support For Separatist Conflictmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…2 2 See Lewis and Widmeier (2022) for discussion of self‐determination movements that are not explicitly ethnic.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…10 10 Spatially oriented work in conflict studies has often employed similar (50–100 km) buffers and spatial units when examining the spatial determinants and correlates of conflict (Buhaug, 2006; Cederman et al, 2014; Lewis & Widmeier, 2022). I opt for 50 km because this provides a hyperlocal measurement.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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What drives support for separatism? Exposure to conflict and relative ethnic size in Biafra, Nigeria

Lewis

2022

Nations and Nationalism

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What determines support for separatist movements in Africa? The past two decades have seen a rise in separatism across Africa, including renewed Nigeria's Igbo Biafran nationalism. While a large body of work has focused on the behaviour of African separatist movements themselves, less work has examined the correlates of popular support for their claims and goals. This study does so, focusing on two important factors. First, it examines whether exposure to conflict events involving neo‐Biafran movements increases or decreases support for the claims made by the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB). The study uses geo‐coded data from the Afrobarometer and ACLED datasets to measure proximate exposure and finds that more exposure correlates positively with support for secession. Second, it argues that the highest levels of support should be associated with members of ethnic groups that would dominate the proposed state. Drawing again from Afrobarometer, the study finds support for this.

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supporting

confidence: 71%

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Conflict Ethnicity and Popular Support For Separatist Conflictmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…2 2 See Lewis and Widmeier (2022) for discussion of self‐determination movements that are not explicitly ethnic.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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What drives support for separatism? Exposure to conflict and relative ethnic size in Biafra, Nigeria

Lewis

2022

Nations and Nationalism

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Pathways to Cooperation: A Relational Theory of Rebel Alliance Formation

Topal

2024

Journal of Conflict Resolution

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Why do some rebel organizations form a united front when others confine themselves to a loose partnership? Existing research on rebel movements reveals that insurgents should quickly leave cooperative agreements if doing so will provide particular advantages in a post-conflict setting. Still, rebel groups may build diverse alliances, from joint attacks to shared command structures. If rebels are indeed purely pragmatic, why would they tie themselves to partnerships that hinder their ability to defect easily? In this article, I argue that three relational factors shape how armed groups cooperate: rebel-civilian relations (civilian support), inter-rebel relations (partners), and rebel-sponsor relations (external patrons). Groups connected through these social networks will be more likely to join a united opposition with their shared channels of trust. Developing a new dyadic dataset, I find that sharing allies or civilian support is positively associated with forming united fronts. Yet, state sponsorship does not produce similar results.

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Territorial origins of center-seeking and self-determination claims in Africa

Cited by 2 publications

References 52 publications

What drives support for separatism? Exposure to conflict and relative ethnic size in Biafra, Nigeria

What drives support for separatism? Exposure to conflict and relative ethnic size in Biafra, Nigeria

Pathways to Cooperation: A Relational Theory of Rebel Alliance Formation

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