Tau-b or Not Tau-b: Measuring the Similarity of Foreign Policy Positions

Signorino, Curtis S.; Ritter, Jeffrey M.

doi:10.1111/0020-8833.00113

Cited by 522 publications

(388 citation statements)

References 51 publications

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“…16 In the GEE models, we add two additional country-specific and time-invariant controls, which tend be significant in our preliminary analysis with many different model specifications. They are the percentage of the population for each country that is Muslim from the CIA World Factbook (https://www.cia.gov/ library/publications/the-world-factbook/) and a measure of commonality between alliance ''portfolios'' of the United States and each country (in 2000) based on Signorino and Ritter (1999). Note that these variables are dropped in OLS regressions with country-specific fixed effects due to perfect multicollinearity.…”

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confidence: 99%

Spinning the Globe? U.S. Public Diplomacy and Foreign Public Opinion

Goldsmith¹,

Horiuchi

2009

The Journal of Politics

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Global public opinion has emerged as a prominent issue in international relations. But have U.S. public diplomacy efforts during the post-9/11 period successfully improved foreign publics' appraisals of U.S. foreign policy? We examine this question by estimating the effects of U.S. high-level visits to foreign countries on public opinion in those countries. We base our theoretical arguments on the political communication literature, but extend them to consider transnational dynamics in international relations. Specifically, we argue that U.S. leaders' credibility in the eyes of foreign publics is critical in shaping attitudes toward U.S. foreign policy. Empirically, we show that the effects of such visits were initially significantly large and positive, but weakened once the war in Iraq began and international media started reporting negative aspects of the ''war on terror.'' Most interestingly, we find some evidence that high-level visits eventually exhibited a backlash effect.

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mentioning

confidence: 99%

Spinning the Globe? U.S. Public Diplomacy and Foreign Public Opinion

Goldsmith¹,

Horiuchi

2009

The Journal of Politics

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“…The Alliance Type variable is treated as an ordinal measure, with the value of 0 representing the absence of an alliance, 1 representing an entente, 2-a neutrality pact, and 3-a defense pact between states A and B in a given year (Signorino and Ritter 2002). Self-dyads of the type i − i are commonly assigned the value of 3 (Sweeney and Keshk 2005), following the logic that a state will defend itself if attacked (Bueno de Mesquita 1975).…”

Section: Alliance Instrumentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Addressing Endogeneity in Actor-Specific Network Measures

Boehmke

Chyzh

Thies³

2015

PSRM

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The study of international relations (IR), and political science more broadly, has derived great benefits from the recent growth of conceptualizing and modeling political phenomena within their broader network contexts. More than just a novel approach to evaluating the old puzzles, network analysis provides a whole new way of theoretical thinking. Challenging the traditional dyad-driven approach to the study of IR, networks highlight actor interdependence that goes beyond dyads and emphasizes that many traditional IR variables, such as conflict, trade, alliances, or international organization memberships must be treated and studied as networks. Properties of these networks (e.g., polarization, density), and of actor positions within them (e.g., similarity, centrality), will then reveal important insights about international events. Network analysis, however, is not yet fully adapted to account for important methodological issues common to IR research, specifically the issue of endogeneity or possible nonindependence between actors' position within international networks and the outcomes of interest: e.g. alliance network may be nonindependent from the conflict or trade network. We adopt an instrumental variables approach to explore and address the issue of endogeneity in network context. We illustrate the issue and the advantages of our approach with Monte Carlo analysis, as well as with several empirical examples from IR literature. AbstractThe study of international relations (IR), and political science more broadly, has derived great benefits from the recent growth of conceptualizing and modeling political phenomena within their broader network contexts. More than just a novel approach to evaluating the old puzzles, network analysis provides a whole new way of theoretical thinking. Challenging the traditional dyad-driven approach to the study of IR, networks highlight actor interdependence that goes beyond dyads and emphasizes that many traditional IR variables, such as conflict, trade, alliances, or international organization memberships must be treated and studied as networks. Properties of these networks (e.g., polarization, density), and of actor positions within them (e.g., similarity, centrality), will then reveal important insights about international events. Network analysis, however, is not yet fully adapted to account for important methodological issues common to IR research, specifically the issue of endogeneity or possible nonindependence between actors' position within international networks and the outcomes of interest: e.g. alliance network may be nonindependent from the conflict or trade network. We adopt an instrumental variables approach to explore and address the issue of endogeneity in network context. We illustrate the issue and the advantages of our approach with Monte Carlo analysis, as well as with several empirical examples from IR literature.

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“…A primeira (S2un) é calculada como 1-2*(d)/dmax, onde "d" é a soma métrica das distâncias entre os votos de uma díade em um determinado ano e "dmax" é a máxima distância possí-vel para aqueles votos (Signorino e Ritter, 1999). Neste caso duas categoria de votos são consideradas no cálculo (1=sim e 2=não).…”

Section: Geopolítica(s)unclassified

Mercosur y BRICS: la convergencia en la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas

Olveira¹,

Onuki²

2014

Geopolítica

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RESUMOA perspectiva dos poderes emergentes em influenciar a ordem internacional depende, em grande medida, da capacidade de ação coletiva. É necessário que esses países sejam capazes de gerar coesão de posições no âmbito dos regimes e organizações internacionais. Caso não consigam forjar coordenação, é improvável que consigam ampliar o poder de barganha para além do que já detêm individualmente. Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar o peso das coalizões regional e globais como elemento indutor da coesão de comportamento em arenas multilaterais. O Brasil é tomado como país de referência. Analisa-se a evolução do grau de convergência do posicionamento do Brasil na Assembleia Geral da ONU (AGNU) com três grupos de países: Mercosul, BRICS 1 e potências nucleares. A análise cobre o período de 1946 e 2008. Procura-se entender o peso específico das coalizões como elemento indutor de maior convergência de posicionamento na AGNU. A mensuração da afinidade entre Brasil e potências nucleares serve como grupo controle, tendo em vista o fato de que tanto Mercosul -no plano subregional-quanto BRICS -no plano global-são coalizões motivadas em contrabalancear o peso hegemônico norte-americano na ordem internacional.

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Tau-b or Not Tau-b: Measuring the Similarity of Foreign Policy Positions

Cited by 522 publications

References 51 publications

Spinning the Globe? U.S. Public Diplomacy and Foreign Public Opinion

Spinning the Globe? U.S. Public Diplomacy and Foreign Public Opinion

Addressing Endogeneity in Actor-Specific Network Measures

Mercosur y BRICS: la convergencia en la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas

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