Tanaka Kakuei, Structural Corruption, and the Advent of Machine Politics in Japan

Johnson, Chalmers

doi:10.2307/132445

Cited by 73 publications

(22 citation statements)

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“…For example, it has been argued that Takeshita's influence was in fact greater after his resignation as prime minister and the selection of each of his successors with the exceptions of Hosokawa and Hata reflect this influence up until his death in 2000 (Anon 1999). Moreover, there has been much discussion of the case of Tanaka and his influence over subsequent administrations can be neatly captured in the term "Tanakasone" that was used to describe Nakasone's administration (Johnson 1986;Babb 2000;Nihon Keizai Shinbun, May 26, 1983).…”

Section: Former Prime Ministers In Japanmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Afterlives of Post-War Japanese Prime Ministers

Dobson

Rose

2018

Journal of Contemporary Asia

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Section: Former Prime Ministers In Japanmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Afterlives of Post-War Japanese Prime Ministers

Dobson

Rose

2018

Journal of Contemporary Asia

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“…3-28), and thus each of the scenarios requires a word of explanation. 4 While none of the four involves conduct that is unambiguously illegal under current Japanese law, all concern behavior on the part of Japanese politicians or bureaucrats that is fairly common and is subject to considerable media coverage, debate, and various regulatory initiatives (Johnson, 1986;MacDougall, 1988;Mitchell, 1996;Murobushi, 1988;Reed, 1996;Schlesinger, 1997). Each scenario arises in the context of the usual customs and practices among ordinary people in Japan-such as presenting substantial monetary gifts (often in the $200 to $1,000 range, depending on the status, income, and relationship of the respective parties) to the bereaved family at funerals, or distributing sometimes quite costly gifts to associates when returning from a trip-that may sound unfamiliar to Western readers.…”

Section: Stock Dealmentioning

confidence: 99%

“Moralism” and the Gender Gap: Judgments of Political Ethics in Japan

Pharr

1998

Political Psychology

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This article investigates whether women are, as many claim, "moralists"-that is, moral and ethical standard-setters who seek clean politics and have strict standards for public officials. An analysis of data from the 1996 Japanese Elections and Democracy Study survey and from 18 focus groups conducted in 1996 indicates that women in Japan are not moralists. As elsewhere, there is a gender gap in Japan on "issue preference sets," with women favoring a "care" agenda, but women assign political ethics less importance than do men, even though women are more likely to see adverse effects from political corruption. Studying people's judgments of four ethics scenarios reveals minimal gender gaps; controlling for education and age, women's judgments overall are less, not more, strict than men's. Among women, age is a better predictor of moralism than education; older women are stricter than younger women on political ethics. This is attributed to gender-based differences in moral reasoning: Japanese women and men both rely heavily on a "relation-based" frame (which is situation-specific and requires extensive social information), but gender stratification patterns create information inequalities. Younger women lack social information necessary for judging political misconduct, whereas older women overcome the information deficit through life experience.In the world of political science, soccer moms have long been political football: The field has been sharply divided over whether a meaningful gender gap exists in policy preferences and orientation about politics. This article takes the inquiry to Japan and focuses on whether women are, as many have claimed, "moralists"-that is, moral and ethical standard-setters who seek clean politics for the community and have strict standards for the public officials who lead it. I break down the issue into three related questions. First, I seek to verify whether, as much research in the United States and elsewhere claims, a gender gap in Japan does indeed mark women's and men's overall policy preferences and, more specifically, whether

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“…Although scholars commonly attribute his long-standing dominance in Niigata Prefecture to his pork-barrel projects (Babb 2000;Johnson 1986), locals admire him as a man who pulled Niigata-a prefecture in the socially inferior "Ura-nippon" (backside Japan), the area neglected by the "developmental" state of Japan (Lewis 2000, 10, 56-58)-from its perennial backwardness. Although scholars commonly attribute his long-standing dominance in Niigata Prefecture to his pork-barrel projects (Babb 2000;Johnson 1986), locals admire him as a man who pulled Niigata-a prefecture in the socially inferior "Ura-nippon" (backside Japan), the area neglected by the "developmental" state of Japan (Lewis 2000, 10, 56-58)-from its perennial backwardness.…”

Section: Concluding Commentsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Suphanburi in the Fast Lane: Roads, Prestige, and Domination in Provincial Thailand

Nishizaki¹

2008

JAS

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Tanaka Kakuei, Structural Corruption, and the Advent of Machine Politics in Japan

Cited by 73 publications

References 0 publications

The Afterlives of Post-War Japanese Prime Ministers

The Afterlives of Post-War Japanese Prime Ministers

“Moralism” and the Gender Gap: Judgments of Political Ethics in Japan

Suphanburi in the Fast Lane: Roads, Prestige, and Domination in Provincial Thailand

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