Swings and roundabouts: the vagaries of democratic consolidation and ‘electoral rituals’ in Sierra Leone

Abstract

The history of the electoral process in Sierra Leone is at the same time tortuous and substantial. From relatively open competitive multi-party politics in the 1960s, which led to the first turnover of power at the ballot box, through the de facto and de jure one-party era, which nonetheless had elements of electoral competition, and finally to contemporary post-conflict times, which has seen three elections and a second electoral turnover in 2007, one can discern evolving patterns. Evidence from the latest local and national elections in 2012 suggests that there is some democratic consolidation, at least in an electoral sense. However, one might also see simultaneous steps forward and steps backward-'What you gain on the swings, you may lose on the roundabouts'. This is particularly so in terms of institutional capacities, fraud and violence and one would need to enquire of the precise ingredients-in terms of political culture or in other words the attitudes and motivations of electors and the elected-of this evolving Sierra Leonean, rather than specifically liberal type, of democracy. Equally, the development of 'electoral rituals', whether peculiar to Sierra Leone or not and whether deemed as consolidatory or not, has something to say as part of an investigation into the electoral element of democratic consolidation. i The literature on elections in Africa most often depicts a number of broad features, such as patronage, ethno-regionalism, fraud and violence, and it is the intention of this article to locate contemporary Sierra Leone, as precisely as possible, within the various strands of this discourse. Notions of democratisation, democracy and elections in Africa Cold War era modernising thinkers told us that a level of economic, educational and class development is necessary for substantive democratisation to occur-and it is only with post-Cold War liberal thinking that the cart and the horse have been switched round and it is considered that democracy can deliver development (for democracy following development, see Lipset [1960] and Moore [1966]; and for the inverse, see World Bank

Politics, development and the instrumentalisation of (de)centralisation in Sierra Leone

“…In many ways, the basis of the political compromises and accommodation that have underpinned the country's decentralization programme, through which the APC and SLPP have ensured their survival whether in government or in opposition, has been facilitated by the country's ethno-regional voting patterns, which have persisted since the 1960s (Conteh and Harris 2014;Kandeh, 1992). In the 2012 local council elections which were conducted concurrently with the presidential and parliamentary elections, the APC won all the councils in the West Area, Northern Region and Kono District, giving it a total of 10 councils, while the SLPP won nine councils, all of them in the South-Eastern Region.…”

“…Therefore, the implications for countries emerging from prolonged periods of centralization and exclusionary politics, is a radical shift from elite dominance to local empowerment, which is not always guaranteed through elections, however regular. While Sierra Leone held its first multi-party elections in the post-military rule era in 1996, the country's elections continue to be characterised by a number of electoral rituals including fraud, vote buying, violence and elite protection (Conteh and Harris, 2014) some of which have cast shadows over the conduct of local council elections. The first post-war local council elections were conducted in 2004, with wards serving as electoral boundaries, making the competition for party symbols very competitive.…”

“…Despite the difficulty faced by some former local council leaders such as Sannoh, to break through onto the national stage of politics, there has been a merging of local and national politics, made possible by the decentralization programme; and the APC and SLPP have generally used decentralization to strengthen their party structures in ways that pre-war state configuration did not allow them. The lack of recognised and guaranteed funding sources for political parties in Sierra Leone, has given rise to "elections only parties" (Conteh and Harris 2014), with some surviving only on the goodwill of their founders, periodic donations and sometimes acting as fronts for the ruling party (Awoko, June 2, 2014;Awareness Times, January 16, 2014;Conteh and Harris, 2014). Nonetheless, for the APC and SLPP, they have been able to sustain their party structures through their control of the 19 local councils.…”

“…This is rooted in the pre-war role of MPs, when they were considered champions of community development. On the other hand, it is plausible for one to analyse the CDF within the context of an executive, that has always been willing to extend patronage to persons or groups it perceives as potential challengers, thus co-opting them (Conteh and Harris 2014). Indeed, the fact that the CDF has replaced the now defunct constituency facilitation fund (CFF), whose purpose was questioned given that it was paid into the personal accounts of MPs; and for which they never accounted (Sierra Express Media, April 14, 2014), illustrates that the change might only be a legitimation process, intended to assuage public concerns over the use of public funds allocated to MPs.…”

The promise and reality of decentralization: a critical appraisal of Sierra Leone’s primary health care system

“…Amendments were made to the HBA in 2007, but the changes only affected financing of the boards, further solidifying their position and, in turn, weakening the capacity of district councils to effectively supervise hospital operations. Their composition reflects Sierra Leone's patrimonial politics (Conteh and Harris 2014). Despite attempts by the MoHS to solidify their legal basis, the boards have become avenues for the exercise and distribution of patronage, as loyal ruling party supporters are rewarded with membership (Conteh 2014a).…”