Abstract:Strong social and legal norms in the United States discourage the overt expression of bias against ethnic and racial minorities, increasing the attributional ambiguity of Whites’ positive behavior to ethnic minorities. Minorities who suspect that Whites’ positive overtures toward minorities are motivated more by their fear of appearing racist than by egalitarian attitudes may regard positive feedback they receive from Whites as disingenuous. This may lead them to react to such feedback with feelings of uncerta… Show more
“…As previous research on attributional ambiguity theory has relied upon carefully scripted feedback and confederate responses (e.g., Crocker et al, 1991;Major, Kaiser, & McCoy, 2003;Major et al, 2016;Mendes et al, 2008), these situational manipulations precluded tests of social accuracy. The current results fill this gap in the attributional ambiguity literature by employing the SOMI.…”
Antiprejudice norms and attempts to conceal racial bias have made Whites' positive treatment of racial minorities attributionally ambiguous. Although some minorities believe Whites' positivity is genuine, others are suspicious of Whites' motives and believe their kindness is primarily motivated by desires to avoid appearing prejudiced. For those suspicious of Whites' motives, Whites' smiles may paradoxically function as threat cues. To the extent that Whites' smiles cue threat among suspicious minorities, we hypothesized that suspicious minorities would explicitly perceive Whites' smiles as threatening (Study 1), automatically orient to smiling White-as opposed to smiling Black-targets (Study 2), and accurately discriminate between Whites' real and fake smiles (Study 3). These results provide convergent evidence that cues typically associated with acceptance and affiliation ironically function as threat cues among suspicious racial minorities.
“…As previous research on attributional ambiguity theory has relied upon carefully scripted feedback and confederate responses (e.g., Crocker et al, 1991;Major, Kaiser, & McCoy, 2003;Major et al, 2016;Mendes et al, 2008), these situational manipulations precluded tests of social accuracy. The current results fill this gap in the attributional ambiguity literature by employing the SOMI.…”
Antiprejudice norms and attempts to conceal racial bias have made Whites' positive treatment of racial minorities attributionally ambiguous. Although some minorities believe Whites' positivity is genuine, others are suspicious of Whites' motives and believe their kindness is primarily motivated by desires to avoid appearing prejudiced. For those suspicious of Whites' motives, Whites' smiles may paradoxically function as threat cues. To the extent that Whites' smiles cue threat among suspicious minorities, we hypothesized that suspicious minorities would explicitly perceive Whites' smiles as threatening (Study 1), automatically orient to smiling White-as opposed to smiling Black-targets (Study 2), and accurately discriminate between Whites' real and fake smiles (Study 3). These results provide convergent evidence that cues typically associated with acceptance and affiliation ironically function as threat cues among suspicious racial minorities.
“…Research evaluating threat response and discrimination has suggested that individuals may experience a greater stress response when they are given feedback that is discrepant to their performance, especially when the feedback is provided by individuals of different racial/ethnic backgrounds (Major, Kunstman, Sawyer, Townsend, & Mendes, 2016). …”
Section: Limitations and Future Directionsmentioning
Objective: Race/ethnicity and socioeconomic status are both associated with stress physiology as indexed by cortisol. The present study tested the extent to which racial/ethnic disparities in cortisol reactivity are explained by socioeconomic status. Method: The sample consisted of 296 racially and socioeconomically diverse children ages 8–11 (47% boys). Mothers reported on children’s stressors and socioeconomic status; salivary cortisol levels were assessed before and after the Trier Social Stress Test. Results: Results demonstrated that racial group differences in cortisol reactivity were partially accounted for by differences in socioeconomic status, but racial group differences in cortisol recovery were not. Conclusions: These findings suggest that cumulative effects of stress and disadvantage may result in differences in stress response physiology as early as middle childhood, and that race-specific mechanisms account for additional variance in cortisol reactivity and recovery.
“…While racial color blind strategies may ostensibly be used to foster the same treatment of all, the ultimate goal in employing these tactics may be more related to self‐presentation concerns and masking bias rather than preventing it. Notably, recent research has demonstrated that attempts to appear nonprejudiced, such as avoiding negativity, may not be well‐received by racial minority group members (Major et al., ). In fact, Black participants who were suspicious of White interaction partners’ motives reacted negatively to positive evaluations and found the feedback of Whites to be disingenuous.…”
Despite current societal trends to encourage diversity, individuals often avoid acknowledging race, and we suggest also conflict, because of concerns about appearing prejudiced. The present research investigated the use of racial color and conflict blind strategies in an ambiguous negative intergroup context. In three studies, we assessed whether people acknowledged race and conflict using a novel ambiguous context task. Study 1 demonstrated that when describing an intergroup interaction with a photograph of Black and White males bumping into one another, only 27% of participants used racial labels and approximately half (53%) mentioned conflict. In Study 2, when participants described two White males in the same situation, significantly fewer participants mentioned conflict compared to when the photograph depicted a Black and White male actor, but rates of mentioning race were not different. Finally, in Study 3, when participants were instructed to use race when describing the actors, they mentioned conflict significantly less than when they were free to avoid racial labels. These latter results suggest that although racial color blindness may be used to appear unbiased, when this strategy is unavailable, people may resort to not referencing intergroup negativity. Together these findings indicate that racial color and conflict blindness may work in conjunction as compensatory strategies to appearing nonprejudiced.
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