Support for Violent Versus Non-Violent Strategies in the Palestinian Territories

Abstract

What determines support for violent versus nonviolent strategies? I argue that strategy preference is motivated by an individuals’ assessment of their society’s cohesion. Perception of strong social cohesion, as existing literature argues, should increase individual support for nonviolence, as it gives people confidence that their society will be able to carry out that strategy effectively. I build on this work to show that perception of social cohesion does not always reflect individual conditions; in situations where social cohesion is weak, violence becomes attractive specifically to those who recognize this reality. The paper tests these arguments in the case of Palestine, using survey data and experimental methods, specifically polling data from the Arab Opinion Index in the West Bank and Gaza. The evidence shows that individuals who perceive society to be more cohesive prefer violence less. However, respondents may perceive social cohesion as weak, even while they personally enjoy strong social ties and greater social embeddedness. In this scenario, they are more likely to prefer armed resistance because they use their social ties to gain information and assess risk more effectively. Individuals who are networked in political power structures, members of political parties and those with higher levels of education, are those that both enjoy greater social ties and prefer violence to nonviolence. Their social situation helps them to recognize the weakness of social cohesion in society at large and, based on this perception, make certain choices. This suggests that violence in the Palestinian territories is not a spontaneous eruption, but rather a strategic choice that individuals endorse on the basis of a reasoned assessment of available options and constraints.

The geography of military occupation and its effect on Palestinian community cohesion, norms, and resistance motivation.

“…And violent resistance may be undertaken individually (as a “lone wolf”) and therefore not require community cohesion or normative support. In contrast, nonviolent civil resistance is more reliant on collective support (El Kurd, 2022), our hypotheses in this regard being clearly supported. Finally, for our measure of nonviolent resistance, we find a partial mediation by solidarity norms, thus indicating that other mechanisms can explain the effect of community cohesion on resistance.…”

“…In particular, they show that structures that indiscriminately affect the entire communities undermine their cohesion and thereby especially the capacity for civil (i.e., nonviolent, collective) resistance. Ironically, then, the structures erected in the name of security may pave the way for violence (Longo et al, 2014), by limiting a community’s capacity for nonviolent forms of action (El Kurd, 2022; Gade, 2020).…”

“…Social cohesion fosters political participation and a sense of collective efficacy (Putnam, 2007). Moreover, there is consensus in the literature that social cohesion is a crucial precondition for nonviolent, civil resistance (El Kurd, 2022; see also Cunningham, 2013; Pearlman, 2012; Thurber, 2019). Whereas violent actions can be undertaken by few individuals, nonviolent civil actions require large-scale social participation, coordination, and support, facilitated by social cohesion (El Kurd, 2022).…”

“…Whereas violent actions can be undertaken by few individuals, nonviolent civil actions require large-scale social participation, coordination, and support, facilitated by social cohesion (El Kurd, 2022). Conversely, when social cohesion and, thus, the capacity for collective coordination is undermined, violent means may become the preferred resistance strategy (El Kurd, 2022; Gade, 2020). Accordingly, this study tests the hypothesis that a sense of community cohesion predicts increased willingness to engage in nonviolent civil resistance against the occupation in Palestine.…”

“…Moreover, there is consensus in the literature that social cohesion is a crucial precondition for nonviolent, civil resistance (El Kurd, 2022; see also Cunningham, 2013; Pearlman, 2012; Thurber, 2019). Whereas violent actions can be undertaken by few individuals, nonviolent civil actions require large-scale social participation, coordination, and support, facilitated by social cohesion (El Kurd, 2022). Conversely, when social cohesion and, thus, the capacity for collective coordination is undermined, violent means may become the preferred resistance strategy (El Kurd, 2022; Gade, 2020).…”