Invisibility in African Displacements 2020
DOI: 10.5040/9781350225510.ch.004
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Sufficiently visible/invisibly self-sufficient: recognition in displacement agriculture in north-western Tanzania

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Cited by 6 publications
(7 citation statements)
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“…While it is possible to map the actors and providers along this continuum, the lived realities of refugees show that the distinction between the state and humanitarian governance is a blurred one. For instance, Boeyink’s (2020) case study of migrant and refugee agricultural labourers and renters in western Tanzania illustrates a complexity in how refugees manage the ‘boundaries’ between state and humanitarian governance and provision. He shows that refugees strive towards being ‘sufficiently visible’ towards humanitarian and state authorities to receive assistance, while remaining ‘invisible enough’ to avoid the gaze of these institutional actors upon their quasi-legal agricultural practices outside the confines of the humanitarian encampment.…”
Section: Beyond (In)formal Approaches To Social Protectionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…While it is possible to map the actors and providers along this continuum, the lived realities of refugees show that the distinction between the state and humanitarian governance is a blurred one. For instance, Boeyink’s (2020) case study of migrant and refugee agricultural labourers and renters in western Tanzania illustrates a complexity in how refugees manage the ‘boundaries’ between state and humanitarian governance and provision. He shows that refugees strive towards being ‘sufficiently visible’ towards humanitarian and state authorities to receive assistance, while remaining ‘invisible enough’ to avoid the gaze of these institutional actors upon their quasi-legal agricultural practices outside the confines of the humanitarian encampment.…”
Section: Beyond (In)formal Approaches To Social Protectionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Despite this prohibition, people sell these rations openly at WFP distribution centres, at the Common Market before it was shut down, and throughout the camp. Apart from random performative harassments or scattering of sellers, the police allow this system to continue because it is lucrative for them to do so, much like the policing of illicit ‘displacement agriculture’ whereby migrants and refugees rent and work on farms near the camp (Boeyink, 2020: 71–72). Unlike patrols on nearby farms, where police are looking to extract bribes from cultivators, the secondary ration market is enabled by a coordinated system of rent collection in which the police and a group of some five to eight individuals, who call themselves ‘supervisors’, collude.…”
Section: Food Aid Resale Networkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The Food Aid Resale Economy of Tanzanian Refugee Camps 975 When Victor arrived in Nyarugusu, he had no access to capital to start a business, nor did he have the human capital or skills to be employed by international organizations or other refugees. At 56, he felt he was too old and in too poor health to take the risk of leaving the camp to be an agricultural labourer, as many with no access to capital do (Boeyink, 2020). His solution was simply to ask for a job from a Congolese camp dalali in a similar position to Dalia: 'I found I did not have enough money for business, so without even knowing her, I asked for help'.…”
Section: Madalalimentioning
confidence: 99%
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