Suffering Rights as Paradoxes

Brown, William M.

doi:10.1111/1467-8675.00183

Cited by 394 publications

(76 citation statements)

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“…In short, a universal notion of justice could erase this ideal's contingent and contested reality. These ideas have been debated for some time (see Benhabib 2000;Benhabib et al 1995;Brown 2000;Calhoun 1995;Collins 1998;Fraser 1989Fraser , 1997Fraser , 2001). …”

Section: Engaging Justicementioning

confidence: 99%

What does it mean to do food justice?

Cadieux

Slocum

2015

Journal of Political Ecology

168

148

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Abstract'Food justice' and 'food sovereignty' have become key words in food movement scholarship and activism. In the case of 'food justice', it seems the word is often substituted for work associated with projects typical of the alternative or local food movement. We argue that it is important for scholars and practitioners to be clear on how food justice differs from other efforts to seek an equitable food system. In the interests of ensuring accountability to socially just research and action, as well as mounting a tenable response to the 'feed the world' paradigm that often sweeps aside concerns with justice as distractions from the 'real' issues, scholars and practitioners need to be more clear on what it means to do food justice. In exploring that question, we identify four nodes around which food justice organizing appears to occur: trauma/inequity, exchange, land, and labor. This article sets the stage for a second one that follows, Notes on the practice of food justice in the U.S., where we discuss attempts to practice food justice. Key words: food justice, food sovereignty, food movement, food security, alternative agri-food systems RésuméLa «Justice alimentaire» et «souveraineté alimentaire» sont devenus des mots clés dans les études universitaires et l'activisme de la nourriture et le système agroalimentaires. Dans le cas de «justice alimentaire», il semble que le mot est souvent substitué au travail associés aux projets typiques du mouvement alimentaire alternative. Nous soutenons qu'il est important pour les chercheurs et les praticiens soient claires sur la façon dont la justice alimentaire diffère des autres efforts pour trouver un système alimentaire équitable. Les chercheurs et praticiens doivent être plus clair sur ce que cela signifie de faire la justice alimentaire. Ils ont besoin pour assurer la responsabilité de la recherche et de l'action qui est socialement juste, ainsi que le montage d'une réponse tenable au paradigme « nourrir le monde » qui balaie souvent de côté la justice comme une distraction de problèmes «réels». En explorant cette question, nous identifions quatre noeuds autour desquels la justice alimentaire semble se produire: un traumatisme / inégalité, les échanges, la terre, et du travail. Cet article ouvre la voie à une seconde qui suit, Notes sur la pratique de la justice alimentaire aux États-Unis, où nous discutons de la pratique de la justice alimentaire. Mots clés: justice alimentaire, la souveraineté alimentaire, le mouvement de la nourriture, la sécurité alimentaire, les systèmes agro-alimentaires alternatifs Resumen "Justicia alimentaria" y "soberanía alimentaria" se han convertido en términos clave en el discurso académico y el activismo sobre el mundo alimentario. En al caso de la "justicia alimentaria" parece que la palabra a menudo se sustituye por el trabajo el trabajo asociado con proyectos típicos del movimiento alternativo o de alimentos locales. Arguimos que es importante que los académicos y activistas diferencien claramente la justicia alimentaria y los m...

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Section: Engaging Justicementioning

confidence: 99%

What does it mean to do food justice?

Cadieux

Slocum

2015

Journal of Political Ecology

168

148

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

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“…Modi's visit to Menlo Park in September 2015 was meant to woo foreign capital to expand India's 'digital infrastructure' under what is promised as a 'win-win' strategy for foreign capital, the sizeable Indian domestic telecom and software companies and the deeply fractured Indian public ranging from urban elites to the vast majority of the nation's rural and economically dispossessed citizenry. 10 The uncontested notion of information technology as freedom needs to be challenged with the same critical scrutiny given to the 'paradoxes of rights' in debates about the strategic deployment of gender and human rights in relation to neoliberal governance and the imperial ambitions of the United States (Brown, 2002). It is clear that the rise of the 'network society', popularized by Manuel Castells, has not undone the hegemony of US capital in the information and communications technology (ICT) sector (Schiller, 2014 Hill, 2013;Ya'u, 2004;Alhassan and Chakravartty, 2011).…”

Section: Empire In the Information Agementioning

confidence: 99%

Infrastructures of empire: towards a critical geopolitics of media and information studies

Aouragh

Chakravartty

2016

Media, Culture & Society

115

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The Arab Uprisings of 2011 can be seen as a turning point for media and information studies scholars, many of whom newly discovered the region as a site for theories of digital media and social transformation. This work has argued that digital media technologies fuel or transform political change through new networked publics, new forms of connective action cultivating liberal democratic values. These works have, surprisingly, little to say about the United States and other Western colonial powers’ legacy of occupation, ongoing violence and strategic interests in the region. It is as if the Arab Spring was a vindication for the universal appeal of Western liberal democracy delivered through the gift of the Internet, social media as manifestation of the ‘technologies of freedom’ long promised by Cold War. We propose an alternate trajectory in terms of reorienting discussions of media and information infrastructures as embedded within the resurgence of idealized liberal democratic norms in the wake of the end of the Cold War. We look at the demise of the media and empire debates and ‘the rise of the BRICS’ (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) as modes of intra-imperial competition that complicate earlier Eurocentric narratives media and empire. We then outline the individual contributions for the special collection of essays.

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“…So, if the language of violence, more generally, and in particular as invoked in the PWDVA, makes for an uncomfortable politics, and if this language both depoliticises and institutes a victim of violence; one who is not only discretely positioned but also largely untied to larger structures and relations of inequality and oppression, would then a greater alignment with rights language produce a more substantive mechanism for attaining reproductive rights But of course, rights too are deeply problematic, paradoxical even (Brown 2000) and the catapulting of reproductive rights of "poor women" to the forefront of international rights is not without its difficulties. While the language of rights confers subject-hood on persons only when they are able to speak in its own terms, i.e.…”

Section: Reproductive Justice Privacy Violence and Accountabilitymentioning

confidence: 99%