Strategies of economic endurance: Israeli Palestinians in the ethnic economy and the public sector

Yonay, Yuval; Kraus, Vered

doi:10.1016/s0276-5624(01)80027-5

Cited by 26 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 64 publications

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“…Second, the segregation of the Arab population and the discrimination against them in the Jewish dominated labour market encourage them to establish an enclave economy with its own labour market. Studies have shown that Israeli-Arabs bene t from this enclave economy (Semyonov 1988: 264;Shavit 1992: 61;Yonay and Kraus 2001).…”

Section: Israeli Societymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Finally, Israeli-Arabs from farm origins are more than three times more likely to be mobile into service class destinations in the 1991 mobility table than they were in the 1974 mobility table (an increase from 7 to 26 per cent), and such mobility is greater than that of the Jewish sub-populations. This pattern may also re ect the enclave economy of Israeli-Arabs with its large public sector (Shavit 1992;Lewin-Epstain and Semyonov 1994;Yonay and Kraus 2001). It has been previously argued that the large public component of the 'Israeli-Arabs sector' is a product of the 'co-optation fees' the Jewish state paid to the Israeli-Arab élite in order to get its political support (cf.…”

Section: The Proletarianization Of the Farmersmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Class structure in a deeply divided society: class and ethnic inequality in Israel, 1974–1991

Yaish

2001

British Journal of Sociology

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Despite the fact that in many societies ethnicity plays an important role in stratication processes, a common view held by students of strati cation argues that the role of ascriptive criteria in strati cation processes is diminishing, and that the main axis of the modern strati cation system is rooted in the division of labour in the marketplace. Despite this, most Israeli sociologists have taken the ethnic and national cleavages to be the main axes of strati cation in Israel.This paper utilizes the 1974 and 1991 mobility surveys in Israel to examine changes over time in the association between ethnicity/nationality (i.e., Ashkenazi-Jews, Sephardi-Jews and Israeli-Arabs) and class position in the Israeli strati cation structure. It also examines the extent to which inequality of opportunity within the Israeli class structure is affected by ethnicity/nationality.Here it is found that the ethnic/national cleavage in Israel appears to have played a less important role over time in the allocation of Israeli men to class positions. It is shown that class crystallization processes that result from the differentiation of employment contracts in the marketplace produce a relatively common level of inequality of opportunity in Israel, across sub-populations and over time. Any difference in the level of inequality of opportunity between the various sub-populations would appear to result, in part, from different historical process of, and government policy towards, the three sub-populations.

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Section: Israeli Societymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Proletarianization Of the Farmersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Class structure in a deeply divided society: class and ethnic inequality in Israel, 1974–1991

Yaish

2001

British Journal of Sociology

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“…For historical and political reasons, Jewish immigrants who arrived in the early years of the state of Israel established themselves in neighborhoods, towns, and villages separate from Arabs. The Israeli state allocated resources to Jewish immigrants, including land, housing, employment, and health services, without much attention to the needs of Palestinian-Arabs (here and after Arabs), who became a minority after losing sovereignty over their lands [32,33]. Arabs were under military administration for about 20 years, which had a strong effect on the social and economic development of their localities and neighborhoods [32].…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Disorganization Theory, Neighborhood Social Capital, and Ethnic Inequalities in Intimate Partner Violence between Arab and Jewish Women Citizens of Israel

et al. 2017

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We draw on social disorganization (SD) theory and social capital to examine the impact of neighborhood environment on the ethnic gap in intimate partner violence (IPV) between Arab and Jewish women in Israel. We linked census data on neighborhood socioeconomic status (SES) to national data we gathered in 2014-2015 on 1401 women (436 Arab, 965 Jewish) age 16-48. Women were interviewed while visiting 65 maternal and child health clinics throughout Israel. We used General Estimated Equation (GEE) multivariate logistic regression models to adjust for clinic cluster effects and estimated the contribution of neighborhood collective efficacy, problems, relative socioeconomic status (SES), bridging and linking social capital, and social support to explaining ethnic inequalities in IPV, while adjusting for women's socioeconomic and socio-demographic characteristics. We found that any IPV is higher among Arab compared to Jewish women (odds ratio (OR) and 95% confidence intervals (CI) = 4.19 (2.72,6.42)). Collective efficacy and social group membership (bridging social capital) had no effect on the ethnic inequality in any IPV and types of IPV. Women's active participation in social groups (linking social capital), higher social support, and living in neighborhoods with relative SES similar to the ethnic group average) had a protective effect from any IPV and physical IPV. Neighborhood problems were associated with increased any IPV and physical IPV. In the final model, the ethnic gap in IPV was reduced but not eliminated (OR (95%CI) = 3.28 (2.01, 5.35). Collective efficacy did not explain the ethnic gap in IPV, while women's active participation (linking social capital) had a protective effect from IPV. Given the protective nature of women's activism in this population, future research should investigate how this might be incorporated into solutions to IPV. In addition, reducing neighborhood problems, improving neighborhood SES, and increasing social support might help reduce IPV among Arab women, thus decreasing the ethnic gap in IPV.

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“…Muslims, however, had signi cantly lower returns for an additional year in secondary education (b = (-2.65); SE = 1.13). Muslims and Christians who had acquired post-secondar y education could thus nd more prestigious jobs than Jews with similar educational attainment in 1991, probably due to the existence of a segregated public sector, which offers prestigious jobs in the Palestinian segment that are inaccessible to Jews (Yonay and Kraus 1998).…”

Section: The Process Of Occupational Attainmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

The power and limits of ethnonationalism: Palestinians and Eastern Jews in Israel, 1974–1991*

Kraus

Yonay

2000

British Journal of Sociology

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The relative standings of four ethnic groups - Muslim Palestinians, Christian Palestinians, Asian-African Jews, European Jews -were compared, using mobility data from 1974 and 1991. The findings show that despite the lack of government support and the prevalence of inexorable discrimination against Israeli Palestinians, they have narrowed the gap with Asian-African Jews in both education and occupational prestige. This finding demonstrates that ideological and political hegemony is not always effective in improving the socio-economic standing of preferred minorities (Asian-African Jews), and that social and economic structures may counterbalance the anti-Palestinian nationalist ideology. The analysis suggests that residential and educational segregation of Palestinians protects them from direct competition with European Jews, whereas Asian-African Jews have to compete with this dominant group in schools, as well as in the labour market.

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Strategies of economic endurance: Israeli Palestinians in the ethnic economy and the public sector

Cited by 26 publications

References 64 publications

Class structure in a deeply divided society: class and ethnic inequality in Israel, 1974–1991

Class structure in a deeply divided society: class and ethnic inequality in Israel, 1974–1991

Disorganization Theory, Neighborhood Social Capital, and Ethnic Inequalities in Intimate Partner Violence between Arab and Jewish Women Citizens of Israel

The power and limits of ethnonationalism: Palestinians and Eastern Jews in Israel, 1974–1991*

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