Class structure in a deeply divided society: class and ethnic inequality in Israel, 1974–1991

Abstract

Despite the fact that in many societies ethnicity plays an important role in stratication processes, a common view held by students of strati cation argues that the role of ascriptive criteria in strati cation processes is diminishing, and that the main axis of the modern strati cation system is rooted in the division of labour in the marketplace. Despite this, most Israeli sociologists have taken the ethnic and national cleavages to be the main axes of strati cation in Israel.This paper utilizes the 1974 and 1991 mobility surveys in Israel to examine changes over time in the association between ethnicity/nationality (i.e., Ashkenazi-Jews, Sephardi-Jews and Israeli-Arabs) and class position in the Israeli strati cation structure. It also examines the extent to which inequality of opportunity within the Israeli class structure is affected by ethnicity/nationality.Here it is found that the ethnic/national cleavage in Israel appears to have played a less important role over time in the allocation of Israeli men to class positions. It is shown that class crystallization processes that result from the differentiation of employment contracts in the marketplace produce a relatively common level of inequality of opportunity in Israel, across sub-populations and over time. Any difference in the level of inequality of opportunity between the various sub-populations would appear to result, in part, from different historical process of, and government policy towards, the three sub-populations.

Issues in Psychotherapy with Clients Affiliated with the Opposing Side in a Violent Political Conflict

“…Israeli Arabs have much fewer employment opportunities than Jews and are excluded from many of the more desirable jobs (e.g., Lewin and Stier 2001). Their wages are lower than those of Jews (Khattab 2005;Yaish 2001), and their unemployment rates are higher (Kraus and Yonay 2000). Although Israeli Arab citizens have equal voting rights and representatives in the Israeli parliament, their representatives have been systematically excluded from government coalitions (Barzilai 2003).…”

Both Ethnic and Religious: Explaining Employment Penalties Across 14 Ethno‐Religious Groups in the United Kingdom

“…Khattab and Johnston () concluded that their religion (cultural background) was more salient than their whiteness. This suggests that religious and even color groups are not fixed categories, but are dynamic, shifting and highly influenced by the way these categories are defined and perceived by the hegemonic culture and by their status within the class system (Carter and Fenton ; Fenton ; Yaish ).…”

Jewish Households, Arab Households, and Income Inequality in Rural Israel: Ramifications for the Israeli–arab Conflict

“…Gender of the head of household explains less than 1% of rural income inequality, despite the fact that female-headed households are much less common among the rural Arab population. These results highlight the interaction between ethnicity, demographics, labor-market qualifications and local conditions in the determination of income inequality and the Jewish-Arab income gaps (Lewin-Epstein and Semyonov, 1992;Yaish, 2001). Simulated marginal effects reveal that rural per capita income inequality could potentially be reduced by a uniform increase in schooling or a uniform decrease in household size.…”

“…This could be due to labor-market discrimination against Arabs that makes it difficult for them to compete in the skilled-labor market. However, previous research has shown that discrimination against Arabs is not the major factor affecting the Jewish-Arab income gaps (Yaish, 2001;Plaut and Plaut, 2002;Haberfeld and Cohen, 2007). Another explanation is related to the quality of schooling: it may be that 12 years of education in an Arab municipality are worth less in the labor market than 12 years of schooling in a Jewish municipality.…”