Stability of Personality Across the Life Span: A Meta-Analysis

Bazana, P. Gordon; Stelmack, Robert M.

doi:10.1016/b978-008044209-9/50009-9

Cited by 38 publications

(27 citation statements)

References 128 publications

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“…Personality traits demonstrate modest to high rank-order consistency (e.g, correlations between .4 and .6) over reasonably long periods of time (e.g., 4 to 10 years) and the longer one tracks rank-order consistency, the lower it gets (e.g., Fraley & Roberts, 2005), with the evidence zeroing in on a long-term level of about .2 over 40 years. Five meta-analyses on the topic have come to similar conclusions (Ardelt, 2000;Bazana & Stelmack, 2004;Ferguson, 2010;Roberts & DelVecchio, 2000;Schuerger, Zarrella, & Hotz, 1989).…”

Section: Rank-order Consistency/changementioning

confidence: 63%

Personality Trait Development in Adulthood: Patterns and Implications

Roberts

Takahashi

2011

The Japanese Journal of Personality

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Section: Rank-order Consistency/changementioning

confidence: 63%

Personality Trait Development in Adulthood: Patterns and Implications

Roberts

Takahashi

2011

The Japanese Journal of Personality

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“…Wright et al (1999), for example, found that self-control in childhood was correlated .43 with self-control in adolescence. Agnew (1991) found the following one year test-retest correlations in a sample of adolescents: parental attachment (.73), school attachment (.59), academic performance (.71), deviant beliefs (.60), and delinquent peers (.38) (also see Roberts et al, 1984;Patterson and Bank, 1989;McNally et al, 1991;Sameroff et al, 1993;Caspi and Moffitt, 1995;Caspi, 1998;Roberts and DelVecchio, 2000;Roberts and Caspi, 2003;Bazana and Stelmack, 2004;Hay and Forrest, 2006).…”

Section: Data On the Temporal Patterning Of Crime Variablesmentioning

confidence: 97%

Crime and time: The temporal patterning of causal variables

Agnew

2011

Theoretical Criminology

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Criminologists tend to assume that most of the variables that cause crime are stable over long periods, with some variables having a brief, episodic existence in the lives of individuals. This article challenges that assumption and instead argues that variables are best described in terms of three temporal levels: baseline levels or long-term averages; short-term deviations around these baseline levels, with such deviations lasting from hours to days; and situational deviations, lasting from seconds to minutes. Criminologists can more accurately describe the standing of individuals on the causes of crime using these levels, thereby improving the ability to explain crime.Life-course criminologists have demonstrated the importance of examining variation in the causes of crime over the lives of individuals (intra-individual as opposed to interindividual variation; see Sampson and Laub, 1993;Piquero and Mazerolle, 2001;Farrington, 2005a). This article refers to such variation as the temporal patterning of a variable. This pattern may be illustrated by plotting the level of a variable over time for a given individual. For example, one individual may experience a generally high level of self-control over a period of several months, with little deviation around that level. Another individual may experience a generally moderate level of self-control, with much deviation around that level (these patterns are illustrated in Figure 1). Work on temporal patterning has done much to explain variation in individual offending over time. This article, however, argues that the temporal patterning of the major causes of crime is more at UNIV NEBRASKA LIBRARIES on April 3, 2015 tcr.sagepub.com Downloaded from 116 Theoretical Criminology 15 (2) complex than is commonly portrayed, it presents an alternative view of the nature of temporal patterning, and it describes how this alternative can substantially improve our ability to explain crime.The first section briefly reviews the assumptions that the leading social-psychological theories make about the temporal patterning of their independent variables. Certain theories assume that the variables they examine are stable over periods of months or longer, with significant changes in these variables sometimes occurring around major turning points in the individual's life. Other theories assume that their variables have an episodic existence, with individuals being periodically exposed to them in particular situations for brief periods.The second section contends that these assumptions regarding temporal patterning are too simplistic. Drawing on data from several sources, it is argued that those variables believed to be stable over long periods sometimes exhibit short-term variation; while those variables believed to have an episodic existence sometimes exhibit long-term stability.The third section argues that most variables are best described in terms of three temporal levels: (1) baseline levels, defined as the average or modal level of variables over a period of several weeks; (2) short-t...

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“…Similarly, the rank‐order stability estimates for the Big Five traits across about 40 years (from school age to later adulthood) have been found to range from around 0 to mostly under .30, across measures and rater perspectives (Edmonds, Goldberg, Hampson, & Barckley, ). In a meta‐analysis, Big Five stability estimates between .31 and .47 were reported for retest intervals spanning about 25–35 years (Bazana & Stelmack, ). Shorter intervals yield higher stability estimates (Roberts & DelVecchio, ).…”

Section: Substantial Phenotypic Stabilitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Markers of Psychological Differences and Social and Health Inequalities: Possible Genetic and Phenotypic Overlaps

Mõttus

Marioni

Deary

2015

Journal of Personality

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Associations between markers of ostensible psychological characteristics and social and health inequalities are pervasive but difficult to explain. In some cases, there may be causal influence flowing from social and health inequalities to psychological differences, whereas sometimes it may be the other way around. Here, we focus on the possibility that some markers that we often consider as indexing different domains of individual differences may in fact reflect at least partially overlapping genetic and/or phenotypic bases. For example, individual differences in cognitive abilities and educational attainment appear to reflect largely overlapping genetic influences, whereas cognitive abilities and health literacy may be almost identical phenomena at the phenotypic, never mind genetic, level. We make the case for employing molecular genetic data and quantitative genetic techniques to better understand the associations of psychological individual differences with social and health inequalities. We illustrate these arguments by using published findings from the Lothian Birth Cohort and the Generation Scotland studies. We also present novel findings pertaining to longitudinal stability and change in older age personality traits and some correlates of the change, molecular genetic data-based heritability estimates of Neuroticism and Extraversion, and the genetic correlations of these personality traits with markers of social and health inequalities.As people navigate through their lives, they differ from each other in a great variety of more or less interconnected ways. In order to map this complexity, we often create different kinds of quantitative markers and refer to the classes of markers that correlate or appear similar in etiology or function as some unitary domains or traits. For example, we rank people in terms of their educational attainment, occupational prestige, income, and quality of neighborhood and refer to these markers as socioeconomic status (Hagger-Johnson, Mõttus, Craig, Starr, & Deary, 2012). Additionally, we may rank people in various aspects of health, health-related behavior, and knowledge and jointly refer to these markers as social and health inequalities. On a more psychological side, individuals can be ranked on constructs such as intelligence, personality traits of different breadth and flavor, wellbeing, motivation, attitudes, and the like. Each of these markers is supposed to denote a domain of people's lives, whereas the borders and interfaces between these domains are often unknown and may sometimes be arbitrary.What we are then interested in is whether and how these different domains relate to each other and (co)develop over time. For example, social and health inequalities, which are ubiquitously interconnected (Mackenbach et al., 2008), may influence psychological differences, or the other way around. Moreover, the influence may flow in both directions at the same time (Deary & Johnson, 2010). What is more, the markers that we think of as reflecting distinct domains of ind...

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Stability of Personality Across the Life Span: A Meta-Analysis

Cited by 38 publications

References 128 publications

Personality Trait Development in Adulthood: Patterns and Implications

Personality Trait Development in Adulthood: Patterns and Implications

Crime and time: The temporal patterning of causal variables

Markers of Psychological Differences and Social and Health Inequalities: Possible Genetic and Phenotypic Overlaps

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