Spain: No Country for the Populist Radical Right?

Alonso, Sonia; Kaltwasser, Cristóbal Rovira

doi:10.1080/13608746.2014.985448

Cited by 199 publications

(86 citation statements)

References 31 publications

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“…While these parties were making significant progress in Europe 1 , three countries did not follow this trend: Spain, Portugal 2 and Ireland. Spain in particular has long been considered an outlier as it has had no significant radical right force, despite the presence of circumstances in which these parties were supposed to perform well: economic crisis, immigration, social protests, political discontent, etc., (Alonso and Rovira 2015). Many explanations were offered, from the influence of the legacy of the dictatorship (which would negate any possibility of a rise of the radical right) Genealogy 2019, 3, 72 2 of 14 (González-Enríquez 2017), to the consolidated role of the center-right (Llamazares and Ramiro 2006;Llamazares 2012), not to mention the weakness and discredit of Spanish nationalism (Muñoz 2008).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Electoral Breakthrough of the Radical Right in Spain: Correlates of Electoral Support for VOX in Andalusia (2018)

Barquero

2019

Genealogy

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For a long time, Spain was thought of as an outlier because it did not have a significant radical right movement. However, the sudden popularity of VOX among voters in Andalusia has put an end to so-called "Spanish exceptionalism". The rise of this radical right party is important for two reasons: its potential direct impact on the political system, and the way in which it will affect other political players. The purpose of this research is to explore the factors that have led voters to cast ballots for VOX during the 2018 regional elections in Andalusia. Regression analysis has been carried out in order to test some of the most widely accepted theories in the literature about the radical right vote. The results show that VOX's vote is fundamentally dictated by broader socio-political factors related to territorial model, ideological self-identification and perception of political leaders. In this sense, two of the most accepted set of explanations-those which consider that the vote for the radical right is conditioned by economic or identity-related vulnerability-are refuted.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Electoral Breakthrough of the Radical Right in Spain: Correlates of Electoral Support for VOX in Andalusia (2018)

Barquero

2019

Genealogy

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“…If one of the reasons that Portugal and Spain have not experienced a rise in extreme right parties is the unwillingness of the various extreme right-wing factions to coalesce (Alonso and Kaltwasser 2015;Marchi 2013: 133), then we should expect the fragmentation of the right to have similar effects in Greece. However, a number of extreme right parties have competed for elections since the 1980s, including Front Line, the Hellenism Party, the Hellenic Front, the National Coalition, the Patriotic Alliance and the Golden Dawn.…”

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confidence: 99%

“…First, we examine the electoral system. Because proportional electoral systems tend to favour representation of smaller parties, we might expect electoral system variation to play a role in the success of far right parties (Alonso and Kaltwasser 2015;Norris 2005). Greece, Portugal and Spain, however, all have similar electoral systems.…”

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confidence: 99%

Breaching the Social Contract: Crises of Democratic Representation and Patterns of Extreme Right Party Support

Halikiopoulou¹,

Vasilopoulou²

2016

Gov. & oppos.

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Why has the extreme right Greek Golden Dawn, a party with clear links to fascism, experienced a rise defying all theories that claim that such a party is unlikely to win in post-Second World War Europe? And, if we accept that economic crisis is an explanation for this, why has such a phenomenon not occurred in other countries that have similar conducive conditions, such as Portugal and Spain? This article addresses this puzzle by: (1) carrying out a controlled comparison of Greece, Portugal and Spain; and (2) showing that the rise of the extreme right is not a question of intensity of economic crisis. Rather it is the nature of the crisis -that is, economic versus overall crisis of democratic representation -that facilitates the rise of the extreme right. We argue that extreme right parties are more likely to experience an increase in their support when economic crisis culminates into an overall crisis of democratic representation. Economic crisis is likely to become a political crisis when severe issues of governability impact upon the ability of the state to fulfil its social contract obligations. This breach of the social contract is accompanied by declining levels of trust in state institutions, resulting in party system collapse.

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“…This perception is linked to the existing processes of political disaffection in other countries around the world as well. The second foundation is the effects of the international economic crisis on the lives of the majority of Spanish citizens (Alonso and Rovira Kaltwasser, 2015). These effects were evident in the progressive dismantling of the welfare state, increasing job insecurity, negative effects of austerity policies, increased social inequality and the loss of equal opportunities.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Populist Political Communication Style in Action: Podemos’s Issues and Functions on Twitter During the 2016 Spanish General Election

Casero-Ripollés

Olivella

Franch

2017

American Behavioral Scientist

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Populism is a phenomenon that has been acquiring great relevance over recent years in the US and Europe. Literature on the subject has identified the existence of a populist style that also affects political communication. The aim of this article is to analyze the structure of issues and the functions of messages circulated by a populist party in order to determine the presence and incidence of this style's main components. The methodology is based on a quantitative analysis of the content of the Twitter profiles of the Spanish political party Podemos and its leader, Pablo Iglesias, during the 2016 Spanish elections. Totally, 2,612 tweets were analyzed. The results allow the identification of a strategy of complementarity, which appears as a new component in the communication style of populism in the digital environment. Podemos is also seen to lean towards anti--elitism and its leader towards the communicative construction of "the people."

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Spain: No Country for the Populist Radical Right?

Cited by 199 publications

References 31 publications

The Electoral Breakthrough of the Radical Right in Spain: Correlates of Electoral Support for VOX in Andalusia (2018)

The Electoral Breakthrough of the Radical Right in Spain: Correlates of Electoral Support for VOX in Andalusia (2018)

Breaching the Social Contract: Crises of Democratic Representation and Patterns of Extreme Right Party Support

The Populist Political Communication Style in Action: Podemos’s Issues and Functions on Twitter During the 2016 Spanish General Election

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