Sozioökonomischer Status, Deprivation und die Affinität zur AfD – Eine Forschungsnotiz

Tutić, Andreas; Hermanni, Hagen von

doi:10.1007/s11577-018-0523-0

Cited by 33 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…Die These, dass implizite Einstellungen bei der Erklärung rechtspopulistischer Neigungen nicht zu vernachlässigen sind, ist auch für die soziologische Auseinandersetzung mit der AfD relevant. Hier setzt man sich durchaus kontrovers in Anschluss an Beiträge von Ronald Inglehart und Pippa Norris (Inglehart und Norris 2017, 2018 vor allem mit der Frage auseinander, ob eher sozioökonomische Faktoren (Economic Insecurity Hypothesis) oder aber kulturelle Orientierungen (Cultural Backlash Hypothesis) die Affinität zur AfD bedingen (Lengfeld 2017;Lux 2018;Tutić und von Hermanni 2018;Rippl und Seipel 2018;Lengfeld und Dilger 2018). Eine fundierte Auseinandersetzung mit dieser Frage setzt Mediationsanalysen voraus, denn neben den direkten Effekten der sozioökonomischen Lage, die auch unter Kontrolle der kulturellen Orientierungen auf die Affinität zur AfD wirken, sind zusätzlich die indirekten Effekte, die über Unterschiede in diesen kulturellen Orientierungen vermittelt werden, in Rechnung zu stellen (vgl.…”

Section: Diskussionunclassified

Implizite Einstellungen, explizite Einstellungen und die Affinität zur AfD

Tutić

Grehl

2021

Köln Z Soziol

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ZusammenfassungDas Gros der Wahlforschung und insbesondere der empirischen Forschung zur Frage, wie sich die Wahlabsicht für die Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) erklären lässt, berücksichtigt zwar den Einfluss kultureller Orientierungen, aber nur in Form expliziter Einstellungen, welche vermöge evaluativer Verbaläußerungen erhoben werden. In diesem Beitrag wird vor dem Hintergrund der Dual-Process-Perspektive argumentiert, dass neben expliziten Einstellungen auch implizite Einstellungen, welche assoziative Verknüpfungen von mental repräsentierten Einstellungsobjekten und ihrer Bewertung darstellen, für die Wahlabsicht der AfD von Bedeutung sind. Dem Prinzip der Katalysation nach schlagen sich implizite Einstellungen stärker in expliziten Einstellungen und auch im overten Verhalten nieder, wenn sich die Artikulation der expliziten Einstellungen oder das Verhalten im Rahmen eines eher intuitiven als reflektierten kognitiven Prozesses vollzieht. Diese handlungstheoretischen Ideen werden im Rahmen einer explorativen Studie mit 960 Befragten überprüft. Es zeigt sich, dass beide, implizite und explizite Einstellungen zum Populismus und zum Rassismus, die Wahlabsicht der AfD bedingen, wobei der Einfluss der impliziten Einstellungen, wie vom katalytischen Prinzip vorhergesagt, davon abhängt, ob die Befragten eher zu intuitiven oder aber eher zu reflektierten kognitiven Prozessen neigen.

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Section: Diskussionunclassified

Implizite Einstellungen, explizite Einstellungen und die Affinität zur AfD

Tutić

Grehl

2021

Köln Z Soziol

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“…AfD voters show a number of characteristics. They perceive themselves as socio-economically deprived (Tutic and von Hermanni 2018), show a low trust in democracy and the current government (Ripple and Seipel 2018), and/or have illiberal, right-wing ideas (Lengfeld 2018). They are above-the-average male, living in the new federal states, and often older people living in the countryside (Franz, Fratzscher, and Kritikos 2018).…”

Section: Explaining Support For Right-wing Populism In Poland and Germentioning

confidence: 99%

Who Is a Right-Wing Supporter? On the Biographical Experiences of Young Right-Wing Voters in Poland and Germany

Mrozowicki

Trappmann²,

Seehaus

et al. 2019

QSR

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This article explores the selected cases of the biographies of right-wing supporters from a larger sample of narrative interviews with young (18-35 years old) people in Poland and Germany. In the existing literature, we can find the socio-economic explanations of the sources of the right-wing turn (related to economic deprivation, precarisation, social exclusion, labor market competition with immigrants and others), as well as cultural explanations connected with new identity politics, symbolic exclusion and divide between society and political elites, the disembedding from previously solid communities, and the fear of new risks related to the inflow of cultural Others. Despite notable exceptions, it is rather uncommon to discuss in this context the actual biographical experiences of right-wing and far-right supporters. In the article, we take a closer look at four biographical cases of people declaring their political support for far right parties. The analysis of the cases leads to the distinction of socio-economic and socio-political pathways to right-wing populist support.

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“…The frustration of those left behind is elucidated by relative deprivation (Meuleman et al, 2020; Tutić and Von Hermanni, 2018). Relative deprivation pertains to an individual’s sense of disadvantage in comparison to others, a perception often accompanied by feelings of resentment and entitlement (Smith et al, 2012).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Does improved upward social mobility foster frustration and conflict? A large-scale online experiment testing Boudon’s model

Berger,

Diekmann,

Wehrli

2024

Rationality and Society

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The rise of populism has reignited scholarly interest in the paradox of societal advancement leading to frustration and social tension. Globalization and digitalization have increased social opportunities for parts of the population, but a substantial portion of society feels disadvantaged, resulting in discontent. This study, rooted in Boudon’s model of relative deprivation, examines the mechanisms that fuel this frustration. We conducted an online experiment involving 2114 US-based MTurk participants, in which we manipulated the availability of status positions to create varying degrees of upward social mobility. We also varied group sizes to ensure robustness. We assessed relative deprivation with structural, subjective, and behavioral measures. For example, frustration was measured using the “joy-of-destruction game,” in which subjects had to make the costly decision to destroy part of another player’s winnings. Contrary to the model’s prediction, we found that the proportion of individuals who were worse off, the losers, decreased consistently as mobility increased. This outcome can be attributed to overentry in conditions of low mobility and underentry in conditions of intermediate or high mobility. The losers displayed increased frustration and hostility towards noncompetitors and winners. Intriguingly, winners also exhibited heightened hostility. However, at the aggregate level, hostile behavior did not surge as conditions improved. In our exploratory analyses at the individual level, we identified several distinct patterns. Risk-tolerant individuals and women were more likely to enter competition. Conversely, those with advanced education levels showed a decreased inclination to competitiveness. Risk-tolerant individuals reported greater feelings of frustration and displayed increased hostility. This effect was also observed particularly among politically right-leaning individuals.

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Sozioökonomischer Status, Deprivation und die Affinität zur AfD – Eine Forschungsnotiz

Cited by 33 publications

References 14 publications

Implizite Einstellungen, explizite Einstellungen und die Affinität zur AfD

Implizite Einstellungen, explizite Einstellungen und die Affinität zur AfD

Who Is a Right-Wing Supporter? On the Biographical Experiences of Young Right-Wing Voters in Poland and Germany

Does improved upward social mobility foster frustration and conflict? A large-scale online experiment testing Boudon’s model

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