Abstract:From Tahrir Square and Puerta del Sol to Zuccotti Park and Taksim Square, the protest camps of 2011–2013 were a physical manifestation of a wide range of political objectives, including the extinguishment of autocratic regimes, the end of capitalism, and the abolishment of student loan debts. Yet their public re-creation, day after day, revealed a world of activity that is indispensable to the daily re-making of life itself but that is typically consigned to the backstage of political life. While the encampmen… Show more
“…Indeed, across my interviews with people with migrant and refugee background, empowerment was often linked to ideas such as collective self‐care, healing, community, or capacity building; all of them aspects that point to different dimensions of reproductive labour and forms of commoning. They evidence the claim that “if we cannot reproduce ourselves and each other, we cannot produce the conditions of possibility for emancipation” (Jeffries 2018:589). Yet, critical of the term “empowerment”, Delyse argued that we should better speak about “re‐empowerment”, since people's journeys to Britain and the trajectories of struggle behind their mobilities were the clearest evidence of people's actual power.…”
Section: Migrant Agencies and “Political Reproduction” In The No Evic...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Consequently, migrant activism often adopted a strong focus on service provision, adopting case‐working humanitarian dynamics covering such absence in a very critical conjuncture (Fieldwork Diary). At stake here is the way feminist scholars have signalled the “double character of social reproduction” within capitalist societies, and how it is inscribed in a dialectical relation where domination and refusal are indivisible (Jeffries 2018). This leads to a situation where migrant reproductive work was at the same time filling the institutional gap and building the means for community survival (Katz 2008).…”
Section: Migrant Agencies and “Political Reproduction” In The No Evic...mentioning
This paper foregrounds the centrality of reproductive politics in constituting the spaces of migrant activism. Addressing social reproductive issues as racial issues, it exposes how “premature death” and questions of survival shape migrants’ lives throughout the uneven geographies of racial capitalism. Drawing on the political experiences of the “No Evictions Network”—a migrant and activist‐led group campaigning for asylum seekers’ rights in Glasgow (Scotland)—the paper suggests the concept of “political reproduction”, grasping the interchange between care, trust, empowerment, political subjectivation, and the overcoming of barriers towards political action that take place within spaces of migrant activism. Building upon migrant voices and Black and Brown histories of organising, the paper explores the racialised, gendered, and classed character of reproductive activist labour in these spaces, evidencing the ways the notion of “political reproduction” breaks racialised and gendered constructions of political work.
“…Indeed, across my interviews with people with migrant and refugee background, empowerment was often linked to ideas such as collective self‐care, healing, community, or capacity building; all of them aspects that point to different dimensions of reproductive labour and forms of commoning. They evidence the claim that “if we cannot reproduce ourselves and each other, we cannot produce the conditions of possibility for emancipation” (Jeffries 2018:589). Yet, critical of the term “empowerment”, Delyse argued that we should better speak about “re‐empowerment”, since people's journeys to Britain and the trajectories of struggle behind their mobilities were the clearest evidence of people's actual power.…”
Section: Migrant Agencies and “Political Reproduction” In The No Evic...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Consequently, migrant activism often adopted a strong focus on service provision, adopting case‐working humanitarian dynamics covering such absence in a very critical conjuncture (Fieldwork Diary). At stake here is the way feminist scholars have signalled the “double character of social reproduction” within capitalist societies, and how it is inscribed in a dialectical relation where domination and refusal are indivisible (Jeffries 2018). This leads to a situation where migrant reproductive work was at the same time filling the institutional gap and building the means for community survival (Katz 2008).…”
Section: Migrant Agencies and “Political Reproduction” In The No Evic...mentioning
This paper foregrounds the centrality of reproductive politics in constituting the spaces of migrant activism. Addressing social reproductive issues as racial issues, it exposes how “premature death” and questions of survival shape migrants’ lives throughout the uneven geographies of racial capitalism. Drawing on the political experiences of the “No Evictions Network”—a migrant and activist‐led group campaigning for asylum seekers’ rights in Glasgow (Scotland)—the paper suggests the concept of “political reproduction”, grasping the interchange between care, trust, empowerment, political subjectivation, and the overcoming of barriers towards political action that take place within spaces of migrant activism. Building upon migrant voices and Black and Brown histories of organising, the paper explores the racialised, gendered, and classed character of reproductive activist labour in these spaces, evidencing the ways the notion of “political reproduction” breaks racialised and gendered constructions of political work.
“…While the feminist analysis of social reproduction in the 1980s focused on unpaid domestic work, recent interest has shifted focus to include both waged and unwaged daily activities of social reproduction (Bakker, 2007). Feminist scholars and activists argue that care should be central to an analysis of society and economy, but that it is also important to recognise social reproduction as the foundation for the anti-capitalist struggle (Jeffries, 2018). Activism against manifestations of the crisis of care can be seen around the world.…”
Section: From Care Crisis To Care Municipalismmentioning
There is an urgent need to develop a coherent political strategy to address the current crisis of care. Allocation of care through the market or the state leads to a care and democratic deficit. Organising care on the logic of the commons provides an alternative paradigm rooted in democracy and solidarity. Municipalism aims to build institutions to enable the commons; it represents a political strategy for the crisis of care at scale. In this paper we explore Barcelona en Comu’s experiments in care to build upon what has been termed ‘care; municipalism’. Our case study focuses on domestic care work as a domain that reflects the core inequalities of the crisis. Through our analysis we have identified three key features of care municipalism: firstly, a feminist narrative of care; secondly, new forms of organising care and thirdly, building social infrastructures. The paper closes with a reflection on the limitations of Barcelona en Comu’s experiments in care from a perspective of the commons, before outlining a future research agenda to contribute towards more caring cities.
“…Different approaches to reproductive work have been elaborated recently (e.g. Bhattacharya, 2018; Ferguson, 2019; Gonzalez & Neton, 2013; Jeffries, 2018; Mezzadri, 2020). The relationship between reproductive workers and capital, as understood here, is indirect because it is mediated by the waged household member – as in housework – or by the state – as in the provision of non-commodified welfare services.…”
Section: Cracked Lives: Environmental Labour Studies and The Abode Of...mentioning
This article explores the challenges faced by working-class environmentalism through the case study of the industrial decline of Porto Marghera’s petrochemical complex, in Venice, Italy. It argues that there is a class dimension in environmentalist struggles in both workplaces and communities. Workplace-centred struggles are conflicts over the conditions under which workers produce commodities or reproduce labour-power, while community-centred struggles are conflicts over the conditions of workers’ own reproduction. The distinction between workplace-centred and community-centred struggles is based on three theoretical expansions: (1) a conception of working-class based on dispossession rather than exploitation; (2) a conception of work including both production and reproduction; (3) a conception of working-class interests encompassing both the workplace and the community. The article thus contributes to environmental labour studies with an original analysis of the interplay between workplace-centred and community-centred working-class environmentalist struggles. In Porto Marghera, in the 1990s and 2000s, the community-centred and workplace-centred working-class environmentalist camps diverged over chlorine-based production, with the former demanding a just transition away from chlorine and the latter a just transition within it. While the rival mobilisations limited damage to health and the environment on the one hand, and to chlorine workers’ livelihoods on the other hand, chlorine-based production was closed without full environmental remediation and without the relocation of all its workers to comparable jobs. The article concludes that the convergence between workplace and community organising is a critical step in the construction of alternatives to the jobs versus environment dilemma.
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.