Abstract:Pinning down the role of social ties in the decision to protest has been notoriously elusive, largely due to data limitations. Social media and their global use by protesters offer an unprecedented opportunity to observe real-time social ties and online behavior, though often without an attendant measure of real-world behavior. We collect data on Twitter activity during the 2015 Charlie Hebdo protest in Paris, which, unusually, record real-world protest attendance and network structure measured beyond egocentr… Show more
“…Müller and Schwarz exploit Facebook and Internet outages(Müller & Schwarz, 2019a) and the rise of Donald Trump together with Twitter usage(Müller & Schwarz, 2019b) to show that social media increases hate crimes in Germany and the US, respectively. Bursztyn, Egorov, Enikolopov, and Petrova (2019) also find that social media influences the rate of hate crimes in Russia.4Guriev, Melnikov, and Zhuravskaya (2019) show that increased access to 3G networks reduced government approval in a sample of 116 countries and, in European democracies, the vote shares of antiestablishment populist parties.5 One paper that goes beyond documenting the uses of social networks to evaluate their impact isLarson, Nagler, Ronen, and Tucker (2019), who collect data on Twitter activity during the 2015 Charlie Hebdo protests in Paris, recording both real-world protest attendance and social network structure. They show that the protesters are significantly more connected to one another relative to comparable Twitter users.…”
The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Latin American and the Caribbean Economic Association. Research published in this series may include views on policy, but LACEA takes no institutional policy positions. LACEA working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author.
“…Müller and Schwarz exploit Facebook and Internet outages(Müller & Schwarz, 2019a) and the rise of Donald Trump together with Twitter usage(Müller & Schwarz, 2019b) to show that social media increases hate crimes in Germany and the US, respectively. Bursztyn, Egorov, Enikolopov, and Petrova (2019) also find that social media influences the rate of hate crimes in Russia.4Guriev, Melnikov, and Zhuravskaya (2019) show that increased access to 3G networks reduced government approval in a sample of 116 countries and, in European democracies, the vote shares of antiestablishment populist parties.5 One paper that goes beyond documenting the uses of social networks to evaluate their impact isLarson, Nagler, Ronen, and Tucker (2019), who collect data on Twitter activity during the 2015 Charlie Hebdo protests in Paris, recording both real-world protest attendance and social network structure. They show that the protesters are significantly more connected to one another relative to comparable Twitter users.…”
The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Latin American and the Caribbean Economic Association. Research published in this series may include views on policy, but LACEA takes no institutional policy positions. LACEA working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author.
“…In the digital era, the efficiency of online networks is vital in spreading protest messages and linking offline participants (Barberá et al., ; Larson et al., ). Social media activities can also contribute to the offline diffusion of movements such as Occupy Wall Street (Vasi and Suh, ).…”
Section: Media and Protest In Advanced Democracies And Beyondmentioning
Objective. This articles analyzes the relationship between media freedom and protest onset in 60 African and Latin American countries from 1993 to 2015. Additional analysis is conducted to explore such relationship for different types of protest events. Method. The article is based on event history data generated from the Social Conflict Analysis Database, Freedom House, Polity IV, the World Bank, and the International Telecommunication Union, which are analyzed using Cox regression models. Results. The results indicate a consistent curvilinear relationship between media freedom and protest onset. In other words, only when media is severely restricted can it pose a significant threat to protest mobilization. Results also show that spontaneous protest events are more likely to be affected by changes in media freedom than organized protests. Conclusions. This study incorporates media freedom into the study of contentious politics in the Global South. It separately analyzes multiple types of protests instead of lumping them into one category, offering a more detailed pattern of the heterogeneous effect of media freedom in different protest contexts.
“…Second, using much less data markedly lowers the cost of data collection. For example, Larson et al (2016) collect the Twitter social network out to two degrees (the connections' connections) of 1,764 accounts from France, resulting in 199,126,639 additional nodes (111,618.07 connections per original account). The first-degree crawl this paper performs for the 21 activist accounts (discussed shortly) generates 90,863.52 connections per account.…”
Section: Ncc Instead Of Indegree Centralitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…While Larson et al (2016) do not undertake centrality analysis because it is not the focus of their research question, note that they would still have biased results because they do not have complete data. A comparison of sample strategies on four different networks finds that each sampling procedure requires a large network sample (over 50% of all nodes) before that sample's network characteristics converge to the full network's value (Lee et al 2006).…”
Section: Ncc Instead Of Indegree Centralitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Only in settings with few nodes or that can be closely monitored, such as a club, workplace, or school, will the entire network graph be observable. Even studies which use online social networks rarely observe second-degree effects of a treatment (see Bond et al (2012) for an exception) or crawl the entire social graph (Larson et al (2016), the most extensive recent crawl of Twitter, stops at friends of friends).…”
How do individuals’ influence in a large social network change? Social scientists have difficulty answering this question because measuring influence requires frequent observations of a population of individuals’ connections to each other, while sampling that social network removes information in a way that can bias inferences. This paper introduces a method to measure influence over time accurately from sampled network data. Ranking individuals by the sum of their connections’ connections—neighbor cumulative indegree centrality—preserves the rank influence ordering that would be achieved in the presence of complete network data, lowering the barrier to measuring influence accurately. The paper then shows how to measure that variable changes each day, making it possible to analyze when and why an individual’s influence in a network changes. This method is demonstrated and validated on 21 Twitter accounts in Bahrain and Egypt from early 2011. The paper then discusses how to use the method in domains such as voter mobilization and marketing.
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