Social Movements in Interaction with Political Parties

Hutter, Swen; Kriesi, Hanspeter; Lorenzini, Jasmine

doi:10.1002/9781119168577.ch18

Cited by 80 publications

(43 citation statements)

References 56 publications

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“…According to the literature on parties and civil society running in democratic political systems, while civil organizations and social movements may cooperate with parties and 'stabilize their electoral support' (Poguntke 2002, 44;Goldstone 2003, 8), they may also keep parties under pressure and force them to represent disregarded demands (Hutter et al 2018). Thus, relations between opposition parties and civil organizations or social movements are not straightforward; nevertheless, dense relations to the civil sphere are considered as political parties' resources (Schwartz 2010) or social capital (Uslaner 2006).…”

Section: Opposition Parties and Civil Movements/civil Societymentioning

confidence: 99%

Hungary’s Over-powerful Government Party and the Desperate Opposition

Susánszky¹,

Unger

Kopper

2020

European Review

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This paper focuses on Hungary’s illiberal regimes from the perspective of the opposition – a perspective we believe has been under-scrutinized so far. It argues that in order to understand the regime’s success it is crucial to explain why opposition parties have been unable to offer a credible alternative. The paper argues that the opposition is in a trap with three unfavourable factors mutually strengthening each other and undermining its ability for success. They are (1) the cartel party system; (2) the weak social embeddedness of opposition parties; and (3) lack of their presence in local politics. At the same time, we also point out that the rise of a tiny joke-party’s success (The Hungarian Two-Tailed Dog Party) highlights that these obstacles can be overcome even with very limited resources. Nevertheless, it is still unclear if the Dog Party’s innovative approach to doing politics could be ‘institutionalized’ – i.e. if it offers a feasible model strategy for opposition parties – or it is only an efficient way of mocking and criticizing how the political system operates.

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Section: Opposition Parties and Civil Movements/civil Societymentioning

confidence: 99%

Hungary’s Over-powerful Government Party and the Desperate Opposition

Susánszky¹,

Unger

Kopper

2020

European Review

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“…Our study indicates that party activism in the protest arena can occur for tactical, substantive or ideological reasons (Hutter, Kriesi & Lorenzini, 2018). We have shown that the consequences of party activism differ across protest arenas: parties are involved in the anti-asylum protest arena for competitive party politics ends.…”

Section: Concluding Summarymentioning

confidence: 73%

“…We regard the place of the party actors in the decisionmaking structure on the protest issue to be a relevant condition for party activism. Adapting the idea of the tension between political parties' responsibility and responsivity when siding with protest groups (Hutter Kriesi, & Lorenzini, 2018), we thus argue that the greater the political responsibility of party actors in regard to a certain contentious issue, the less active they can be expected to be in this protest arena.…”

Section: Theoretical and Analytical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 90%

“…Challenger parties on the left and on the right mobilize voters upon a new transnational cleavage, which is driven by increased immigration and exacerbated by cultural, religious and economic insecurity (Hooghe & Marks, 2018, p. 110). The reconfiguration of political conflicts (Hooghe & Marks, 2018) has provided new opportunities for reshaping and tightening relations between parties and protest groups (Hutter, Kriesi, & Lorenzini, 2018). Parties join protest groups or initiate activities to widen their scope for mobilizing citizens and putting pressure on the authorities (Rucht, 2018).…”

Section: Theoretical and Analytical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In particular, mainstream parties tend to limit their unconventional activities to local issues and focus on implementation rather than legislative claims. In sum, this subnational protest pattern can be viewed as translating the tension between responsibility and responsivity (Hutter, Kriesi & Lorenzini, 2018) into party activism. Parties without direct responsibility enjoy greater leverage in terms of being active in the protest arena, while the party actors in charge are more constrained (cf.…”

Section: Local Grievances and National Responsibilitymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Party activism: the permeability of the asylum protest arena in Austria

Hadj-Abdou

Rosenberger

2019

Social Movement Studies

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This article contributes to the growing field of studies on party–protest linkages that highlight the dynamic nature, complementarity and fuzziness of the parliamentary arena and protest arena. Taking the policy field of asylum, it investigates, first, the conditions for the permeability of the protest arena for party activism and, second, the ways in which party activism shapes and transforms the protest arena. The empirical observations refer to Austria, which has a political framework with highly politicized immigration, strong political parties and a weak protest culture. Methodologically, the paper combines a protest event analysis with two in–depth case studies on protests. The authors argue that the openness of the asylum protest arena for parties is characterized by modest protest demands, and depends on the dominant political position as well as the decision making structure regarding the protest issue. The article demonstrates that pro-asylum protests are less open to political parties than anti-asylum protests, which are in tune with the dominant political position on asylum in Austria. The findings also show that anti–asylum protests are not only more likely to attract the involvement of political parties, but also tend to become instrumentalized for party–competitive ends. Pro–asylum protests, in contrast, keep their substantive, grievance–focused orientation even when political parties step in.

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Right‐wing Populism and Populist Movements

Froio¹

2022

The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Social and Political Movements

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Right‐wing populism (RWP) refers to a populist form of the right. If the political right broadly identifies those actors and ideologies that, according to Norberto Bobbio's classic definition, consider that inequalities between people are natural and that the state should not intervene to curb them, populism is still a contested concept. While disagreement exists on whether it constitutes an ideology, a style, or a communication strategy, a minimalist definition qualifies populism as a Manichean distinction between the “good people” and the “corrupt elites,” and the belief that politics is about respecting the general will of the people. Hence, right‐wing populism can be understood as a belief in a political order with natural inequalities not only between the “people” and the “elites,” but also between the “people” themselves. RWP includes but it is not limited to the populist radical‐right, which can be distinguished because its core ideological features are nativism (or ethnocentrism) – a combination of nationalism and xenophobia – and authoritarianism, the belief in a strictly ordered society where infringements to the radical right's moral standards must be punished. RWP politicians may also present religion and religious identities as a constitutive feature of the native culture (like Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in Turkey and Jarosław Kaczyński in Poland).

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Social Movements in Interaction with Political Parties

Cited by 80 publications

References 56 publications

Hungary’s Over-powerful Government Party and the Desperate Opposition

Hungary’s Over-powerful Government Party and the Desperate Opposition

Party activism: the permeability of the asylum protest arena in Austria

Right‐wing Populism and Populist Movements

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