Social Capital Theory as an Integrating Theoretical Framework in Technological Disaster Research

Ritchie, Liesel A.; Gill, Duane A.

doi:10.1080/02732170601001037

Cited by 105 publications

(68 citation statements)

References 37 publications

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“…Perceptions of risk and recreancy are additional stressors to consider when dealing with a disaster. Although not addressed in this research, findings from long-term research on the EVOS suggest that concepts such as social capital loss spirals, corrosive community, collective stress, and secondary trauma may also become evident as individuals, groups, and communities struggle to recover from the BP disaster (Ritchie and Gill 2007).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 90%

“…Second, we were aware that research teams from various universities were documenting impacts in other coastal communities (e.g., LSU, UNO, MSU, and UF) and we avoided them to reduce assessment fatigue among the residents (see, IASC 2012). 2 See for example, Baum et al (1992), Couch and Kroll-Smith (1985), Nigg (1987, 1991), Edelstein (1988Edelstein ( , 2000, Erikson (1976Erikson ( , 1994, Freudenburg (1984Freudenburg ( ,1997Freudenburg ( , 2000, Freudenburg and Gramling (1992), Freudenburg and Jones (1991), Gill (2007a), Couch (1990, 1993a, b), , Ritchie and Gill (2007), Vyner (1988). 3 Dauphin Island is located in south Mobile County, and this community also resembles a beach economy.…”

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confidence: 99%

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The Exxon and BP oil spills: a comparison of psychosocial impacts

et al. 2014

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We address the research question: 'Did the 2010 BP Deepwater Horizon oil spill have similar psychosocial impacts as the 1989 Exxon Valdez oil spill?' We answer this question by comparing survey results from a random sample of Cordova, Alaska, residents collected 18 months after the Exxon spill with a random sample of residents in the Alabama coastal counties of Baldwin and south Mobile 1 year after the BP disaster. Analysis revealed similarly high levels of psychological stress for survivors of both disasters. For residents of coastal Alabama, the strongest predictors of psychosocial stress were exposure to oil, ties to renewable resources, concerns about their economic future, worries about air quality, and safety issues regarding seafood harvests in oiled areas. Differences between south Mobile and Baldwin counties were related to the former community's economic ties to renewable resources and Baldwin County's dependence on tourism for economic sustainability.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 90%

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confidence: 99%

The Exxon and BP oil spills: a comparison of psychosocial impacts

et al. 2014

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“…Since recreancy is its theoretical antecedent, future research should directly test for the emergence of corrosive community in the wake of the BP‐DH disaster. Future work might also explore the effects of and impacts on social networks and associational memberships (i.e., social capital), which have been shown to be an important resource in disaster contexts (Adeola and Picou 2012, 2014; Ritchie ; Ritchie and Gill ). Relatedly, while we do control for community sentiment in our models, our measure only speaks to a particular dimension of the multifaceted nature of residents’ “community experience” (Brown et al ).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

It's Not Whether You Win or Lose, It's How You Place the Blame: Shifting Perceptions of Recreancy in the Context of the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill

et al. 2016

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A key theoretical concept in the study of technological disasters is “recreancy,” which refers to perception that institutional actors have failed to carry out their responsibilities in a manner that engenders societal trust. Using household survey data from the Community Oil Spill Survey (COSS) to assess recreancy in the context of the Deepwater Horizon oil spill, we analyze four waves of the COSS collected between 2010 and 2013 to explore respondents’ perceptions of blame and distrust in relation to key institutional actors associated with the disaster, paying special attention to the influence of time and employment in natural resource occupations. We show that BP is clearly viewed as the principal responsible party at fault for the disaster and that the odds of blaming BP and the federal government have held relatively steady over time, while the odds of blaming state government increased over time. We find high levels of distrust of BP and the federal government, but show that odds of being distrustful of both institutional actors was significantly lower three years after the spill. Fishing households were significantly more likely to blame and be distrustful of institutional actors, a finding that is strongly consistent with theoretical expectations.

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“…A remarkable body of research has identified important negative emotional consequences of human-caused disasters, finding associations with chronic feelings of distrust, depression, fear, brooding, paranoia, anger, and frustration (Arata et al 2000;Baum and Fleming 1993;Edelstein 2004;Erikson 1976Erikson , 1994Gill and Picou 1991;Kroll-Smith 1995;Picou, Marshall, and Gill 2004;Ritchie and Gill 2007). 2 This body of work powerfully demonstrates that these types of emotional consequences are a primary mechanism through which to understand post-disaster responses.…”

Section: Case Context: Media and Moral Shockmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…. cultural and psychological impacts than do natural [disasters]" (quoted in Picou et al 2004Picou et al :1495see also Dynes 1974;Erikson 1976Erikson , 1994Kreps 1985Kreps ,1998Ritchie and Gill 2007). Indeed, more and more scholars are paying due attention to the human causes and consequences of large-scale disasters, focusing on preventable institutional failures, the U.S. "growth machine," and the social organization of risk.…”

Section: Case Context: Media and Moral Shockmentioning

confidence: 99%

Moral Outpouring

Farrell

2014

Social Problems

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The 2010 BP oil spill is the largest human-caused disaster in U.S. history. Using nationally representative panel data measured before, during, and after the spill I find that rather than giving time and money to actual relief efforts, Americans responded primarily through dramatic increases in time and money given for environmental causes. This expands current understandings about how and why Americans respond to large-scale catastrophe. I argue that this phenomenon can be made sense of theoretically by focusing on the cultural context of "moral shock" precipitated by historic environmental harm and corporate negligence, both of which were amplified in the wake of the spill by national media. This heightened emotional climate interacted with Americans' empathetic identities, practices and habits, politics, and culture to produce different pathways to philanthropic engagement. Consistent with this argument, the results show that all four of these factors mattered for predicting generous behavior in this case, but did so at different points in time. I close by outlining the substantive and theoretical implications of my argument.

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Social Capital Theory as an Integrating Theoretical Framework in Technological Disaster Research

Cited by 105 publications

References 37 publications

The Exxon and BP oil spills: a comparison of psychosocial impacts

The Exxon and BP oil spills: a comparison of psychosocial impacts

It's Not Whether You Win or Lose, It's How You Place the Blame: Shifting Perceptions of Recreancy in the Context of the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill

Moral Outpouring

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