“…Similar to category group labels (CGL; e.g., gay ), but differently from generic insults (e.g., asshole ), DGL single out, and refer to, a specific target group (Croom, 2014; O’Dea & Saucier, 2017). Both DGL and CGL activate group stereotypes, but DGL elicit more negative evaluations (Carnaghi & Maass, 2007) and more discriminatory reactions than CGL (Fasoli, Maass, & Carnaghi, 2015; Fasoli, Paladino, et al, 2016; Saucier, Till, Miller, O’Dea, & Andres, 2015).…”
Reclaiming implies that homophobic labels used by gay individuals are perceived as less offensive and their use as empowering speakers. We examined whether listeners in Italy and Britain perceived homophobic labels as “reclaimed” when men’s voices implied their homosexuality. Gay and straight male speakers used neutral or homophobic labels referring to themselves or another. Homophobic labels were offensive when used by straight speakers and when labelling others. Gay speakers self-labelling with homophobic labels were not perceived as more powerful.
“…Similar to category group labels (CGL; e.g., gay ), but differently from generic insults (e.g., asshole ), DGL single out, and refer to, a specific target group (Croom, 2014; O’Dea & Saucier, 2017). Both DGL and CGL activate group stereotypes, but DGL elicit more negative evaluations (Carnaghi & Maass, 2007) and more discriminatory reactions than CGL (Fasoli, Maass, & Carnaghi, 2015; Fasoli, Paladino, et al, 2016; Saucier, Till, Miller, O’Dea, & Andres, 2015).…”
Reclaiming implies that homophobic labels used by gay individuals are perceived as less offensive and their use as empowering speakers. We examined whether listeners in Italy and Britain perceived homophobic labels as “reclaimed” when men’s voices implied their homosexuality. Gay and straight male speakers used neutral or homophobic labels referring to themselves or another. Homophobic labels were offensive when used by straight speakers and when labelling others. Gay speakers self-labelling with homophobic labels were not perceived as more powerful.
“…Joe, a white senior, explains, “I've heard it as a joke very often, like any time a guy does something a little effeminate, someone will yell, ‘Gay!’ and other men in the area will laugh.” Others reveal that sexist banter among male acquaintances also incorporates phrases like “You're being a bitch” and “quit being a little pussy.” These terms can be applied temporarily to anyone in the male peer group, and this hegemonic discourse serves as a continual symbolic reminder that they can easily become the target (Pascoe 2007). Such slurs are also likely to be perceived as particularly offensive by some men who see them as threats to their masculinity (Saucier et al 2015).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Women, in contrast, tend to perceive such joking as less funny, more inappropriate, and more harmful than men (Neuliep 1987; Strain, Saucier, and Martens 2015 ). In fact, studies find that masculinity is a central feature in both the demonstration and perceptions of racist and sexist joking among university students (Cabrera 2014a; Cabrera 2014b; Saucier et al 2015; Thomae and Pina 2015).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Although male students routinely engage in gendered banter that targets other men and racialized joking about white students, the content of their humor about female students and students of color tends to be more disparaging (Caplan and Ford 2014; Harwood et al 2012) and is often perceived as more offensive (Miller et al 2019; Rappoport 2005). Additionally, even when men participate in gendered banter about other men, they typically do so by relying on pejoratives about women and gay men as put downs (Byron et al 2017; Pascoe 2007) or what Saucier et al (2015) refer to as “slurs against masculinity.” It is therefore unsurprising that female students and students of color who have been targeted by sexist and racist banter are more likely to describe such humor as offensive and report a host of harmful effects, including perceptions of increased mental and physical stress, diminished academic performance, and a decreased likelihood of academic persistence (Harper 2015; Lewis et al 2000; Vaccaro 2010).…”
Using a mixed methods approach, this article explores factors that contribute to undergraduate students' beliefs about the harm caused by racist and sexist jokes. Quantitative results indicate that, net of other demographic control variables, college men are less likely to agree that sexist and racist jokes are harmful. Qualitative findings shed light on this pattern via a process we call neutralized hegemonic banter. By connecting students' perspectives about the perceived harm caused by racist and sexist jokes with their larger campus experiences, we extend the literature and demonstrate the role that hegemonic masculinity plays in normalizing racist and sexist joking.
“…The humanities and social sciences have recently witnessed an explosion of fascinating new research on slurs and derogatory language (see for instance Cepollaro, 2015;Croom, 2015a,b;Jay and Jay, 2015;Beaton and Washington, 2014;Blakemore, 2014;Cupkovic, 2014;Jackson, 2014;O'Dea et al, 2014;Saucier et al, 2014;Weissbrod, 2014;Embrick and Henricks, 2013) and one widely held assumption in the literature -call it coreferentialism -is that slurs (e.g. faggot) and descriptors (e.g.…”
h i g h l i g h t s• Reviews the coreferentialist assumption that slurs and descriptors are coreferential expressions with the same extension.• Considers four sources of empirical evidence showing that slurs and descriptors are not coreferential expressions with the same extension.• Argues that since slurs and descriptors differ in their extension they thereby differ in their meaning or content also. • Introduces the notion of a conceptual anchor in order to adequately account for the relationship between slurs and descriptors.• Outlines a family resemblance account of slurs and explains its merits over competing proposals.
a b s t r a c tCoreferentialism refers to the common assumption in the literature that slurs (e.g. faggot) and descriptors (e.g. male homosexual) are coreferential expressions with precisely the same extension. For instance, Vallee (2014) recently writes that ''If S is an ethnic slur in language L, then there is a non-derogatory expression G in L such that G and S have the same extension'' (p. 79). The non-derogatory expression G is commonly considered the nonpejorative correlate (NPC) of the slur expression S (Hom, 2008) and it is widely thought that every S has a coreferring G that possesses precisely the same extension. Yet here I argue against this widespread assumption by first briefly introducing what slurs are and then considering four sources of supporting evidence showing that slurs and descriptors are in fact not coreferential expressions with precisely the same extension. I argue that since slurs and descriptors differ in their extension they thereby differ in their meaning or content also. This article additionally introduces the notion of a conceptual anchor in order to adequately account for the relationship between slurs and descriptors actually evidenced in the empirical data, and further considers the inadequacy of common dictionary definitions of slurs. This article therefore contributes to the literature on slurs by demonstrating that previous accounts operating on the assumption that slurs and descriptors are coreferential expressions with the same extension, and that they thereby have the same meaning or content, are inconsistent with empirical data and that an alternative account in accord with Croom (2011Croom ( , 2013aCroom ( , 2014b better fits the facts concerning their actual meaning and use.
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