Sluicing in Indo-Aryan: An investigation of Bangla and Hindi

Bhattacharya, Tanmoy; Simpson, Andrew

doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199645763.003.0009

Cited by 10 publications

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“…but what who I know not 'Last night someone gave something to Mini, but I don't know who and what' (Bhattacharya and Simpson, 2012) Notice that despite the order of two WH's in the remnant position, i.e. ki ke, the sentence is grammatical.…”

Section: The Se and Informational Prominencementioning

confidence: 99%

“…In this section, we will first observe Bhattacharya and Simpson's (2012) analysis of the SE from the perspective of multiple-wh sluicing 5 , and then move onto the discussion about the ASE where it is shown that their analysis is applicable to the ASE.…”

Section: Alternative Analysis Of the Asementioning

confidence: 99%

“…For the same reason, especially by focalization, sentence (6a) becomes well-formed in (6b). (Bhattacharya and Simpson, 2012) In (6b), an emphatic adverbial, Sotti 'really,' precedes and focalizes the WH sequence, and thus the sentence is grammatical, while sentence (6a) without Sotti is ungrammatical. Apparently, it is unclear how the SE violation is ameliorated in (5) and (6b) if we assume the SE as a purely derivational constraint.…”

Section: The Se and Informational Prominencementioning

confidence: 99%

“…To this end, we regarded as representative Takita et al's (2007) analysis that stems from , and showed that their feature-checking analysis falls short when accounting for the availability of the ASE repair and the reason why the ASE is peculiar to multiple-wh questions where the initial WH is naze, to both of which my analysis could provide plausible explanations along the same lines with Bhattacharya and Simpson (2012). Also, it was revealed that there exist some unclear points in Takita et al's argument.…”

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confidence: 99%

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Reanalysis of the Anti-Superiority Effect

2015

KWPL

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Section: The Se and Informational Prominencementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Alternative Analysis Of the Asementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Se and Informational Prominencementioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Reanalysis of the Anti-Superiority Effect

2015

KWPL

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“…Languages with (apparent) sluicing but wh-in-situ should be taken to have some other form of A′-movement licensing ellipsis (cf. Bhattacharya and Simpson, 2012, who argue that Bangla and Hindi have A′-movement to a clause-internal position), or to have ellipsis of some other sort. 6 One of the reviewers objects to this conclusion by saying that main verbs in the form of a participle sometimes are also impossible as ellipsis remnants despite the fact that they can be A′-moved, as in Gekocht heeft Jan zijn huis 'Jan has bought his house'.…”

Section: Why the Selective Spell-out Approach Is Superior?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Clausal ellipsis

Broekhuis

Bayer

2020

AVT

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This article compares two alternatives to the standard movement-and-deletion approach to clausal ellipsis, which postulates deletion of TP after the remnants of ellipsis are (sometimes exceptionally) A′-moved into the left periphery of the clause. One alternative is the in-situ approach, which denies the involvement of movement in the derivation of clausal ellipsis; it claims that clausal ellipsis can apply to any run-of-the-mill syntactic structure and simply deletes the familiar/given information from the propositional domain of the clause. Another alternative is the selective spell-out approach; it denies the involvement of deletion and states that the remnants undergo regular A′-movement into the specifiers of specific semantically relevant functional projections (CP, FocusP, NegP, etc.), which are subsequently selected for spell-out. This article argues that the selective spell-out approach is superior to the two deletion approaches.

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Wh‐in‐Situ

Bayer

Cheng

2017

The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Syntax, Second Edition

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This chapter on wh‐ in‐situ first provides the background of the discussion as it was developed in GB‐theory, mainly starting from Huang's seminal work on Chinese. In this framework with levels of representation, the role of Logical Form was in the center of the discussion. Similarities and differences between covert wh‐ movement and QR are discussed, leading to issues of subjacency, LF pied‐piping, unselective binding, and D‐linking. Data and many theoretical concepts carry over to the third section of the chapter which introduces treatments of wh‐ in‐situ within the Minimalist Program, namely a theory which admits only two interface levels and which does not have various levels of syntactic representations (e.g., S‐structure and LF). Different stages of the theory's development, from feature movement to probe/goal agreement are shown to have had different consequences. This is followed by a discussion on the possibility of pseudo wh‐ in‐situ, that is the possibility that there is overt movement but that it is disguised in particular ways. Section 4 turns to intervention effects. Overt wh‐ movement is compared with wh‐ in‐situ under intervention environments. Syntactic as well as semantic accounts are presented as well as accounts that rely on information structure. Section 5 addresses the question of optionality of wh‐ movement as it appears in modern French as well as in other languages. Here also questions of phonological phrasing are brought into the discussion. In section 6 the issue of wh‐ in‐situ vs. wh‐ ex‐situ is briefly discussed, also with reference to acquisition data. Section 7 concludes with some questions concerning typological differences according to which wh‐ in‐situ languages seem to lack a richly structured left clausal periphery.

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Sluicing in Indo-Aryan: An investigation of Bangla and Hindi

Cited by 10 publications

References 0 publications

Reanalysis of the Anti-Superiority Effect

Reanalysis of the Anti-Superiority Effect

Clausal ellipsis

Wh‐in‐Situ

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