Seeing Green in San Francisco: City as Resource Frontier

Knuth, Sarah

doi:10.1111/anti.12205

Cited by 68 publications

(56 citation statements)

References 48 publications

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“…It is now well recognised that, as one of the main sources of energy demand and thus carbon dioxide emissions in cities, buildings and commercial offices in particular need to be focussed on as part of efforts to curb climate change and its effects (Cole and Lorch, 2003;Guy, 1998Guy, , 2006. Through our analysis, we further the understanding of the relationships between the valuation of low energy design through 'instruments and markets' (Knuth, 2016), building designers practices and the potential to reduce the environmental impact of buildings. We reveal that it is not only the way sustainability standards such as BREEAM (the Building Research Establishment Environmental Assessment Method) and LEED (Leadership in Energy & Environmental Design) (Faulconbridge, 2015;Faulconbridge and Yalciner, 2015;Schweber, 2013) direct low energy design that should be of concern.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 86%

How market standards affect building design: The case of low energy design in commercial offices

2018

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This paper develops existing work on building design through a focus on one important yet understudied form of regulation: market standards. Market standards are agreed upon definitions of 'necessary' provision in buildings and are fundamental in 'formatting' markets and determining the value of a building in the market. The paper presents a case study of the design of 10 commercial offices in London, UK, the effects of market standards on the designs and on the potential for the development of lower energy buildings. Theoretically, the paper integrates literatures on standards, institutions and markets to argue that market standards do important 'work' in design processes that require closer scrutiny. In particular, we show that market standards are an important form of normative and cultural regulation in the field of commercial office design; format and act as calculative devices in property markets and result in forms of knowledge diminution that break the relationship between building design and occupiers' practices. Together, these effects result in particular designs being legitimised and valued, and lower energy designs being delegitimised, devalued and pushed to the periphery of the attention of commercial office designers.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 86%

How market standards affect building design: The case of low energy design in commercial offices

2018

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“…Echoing Davies (2013), I maintain that deeper engagement with the high--tech regions (and organized and branded "clusters") most actively producing and circulating cleantech discourses suggests further insights into the sector. Particularly, I argue that cleantech's narratives and experience have been powerfully influenced by its origins in Silicon Valley and the San Francisco Bay Area.…”

Section: Disruptive Innovation and Technological Obsolescencementioning

confidence: 93%

“…Harvey 1982;Storper and Walker 1989;Sheppard 2011): high--tech struggles; industrial formation, competition, and decline; urban-regional investment and disinvestment. In value terms, the green economy's move into urban and industrial geographies suggests additional sources of surplus value, including labor exploitation in the classic Marxian sense (Marx [1867(Marx [ ] 1990) and urban and rural land 4 rents (Knuth 2016;Smith 2007). Of particular interest here, "technological" (or "Schumpeterian") rents are often framed as a more virtuous form of surplus.…”

Section: Theorizing Green Value and Devaluationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Green Devaluation: Disruption, Divestment, and Decommodification for a Green Economy

Knuth

2016

Capitalism Nature Socialism

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This paper argues that taking up questions of value can help political ecologists and economists develop a more powerful analysis of the green economy, as it introduces new urban, industrial, and technological dimensions into a self-identified green capitalism. More specifically, I maintain that processes of green devaluation, decommodification, and techno-industrial replacement are as important in understanding green economic development as new value enclosure and green growth. Twenty-first-century green economic politics have been marked by Schumpeterian ambitions and zero-sum intra-capitalist struggles, alongside a more general hardening of anti-fossil fuel industry politics from both grassroots climate justice activists and, increasingly, mainstream investors. I explore three interrelated initiatives-disruptive innovation in Silicon Valley cleantech, the US fossil fuel divestment movement, and the global financial industry's stranded assets organizing-as windows into these struggles. Themes of devaluation, obsolescence (both technological and "moral"), and (more or less absolute) decommodification carry through this discussion as activists struggle to translate quantitative advances against fossil fuels into a more profound qualitative break. Understanding these fights is essential to developing more effective engaged scholarship on climate change and a just energy transition. Keywords: green devaluation; fossil fuel divestment; green economy; decommodification; obsolescence The economic crisis of the late 2000s provoked a major shift within neoliberal capitalism and, centrally, neoliberal environmentalism. Alongside its unleashing of global finance and attacks on Keynesian and Developmentalist welfare states, neoliberalism had pioneered new forms of accumulation by dispossession at the periphery; notably, "green" value enclosures and land/resource grabs. Nevertheless, the 2008 collapse demonstrated to many the neoliberal turn's failure to secure capitalism. As more radical voices called for breaks from a system in crisis, heterodox economists fought back from the margins to gain the ear of powerful governments. The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act and other national recovery programs adopted neo-Keynesian rhetoric, advocating technological rejuvenation, the creation of quality manufacturing jobs, and a return to "real" economic development. Critically, many looked to a "green economy" as the driver of this economic transformation (Block 2011; UNEP 2011; Bailey and Caprotti 2014). Green economic development programs reframed neoliberalism's environmental project as industrial and innovation policy-the dream of ecological modernization (Mol and Spaargaaren 2000) prioritized and funded to an unprecedented degree in countries like the United States and China. Programs pledged support for rising "cleantech" industries, particularly ones developing renewable and alternative energy. At the same time, by moving to wean their economies off fossil fuels, they sought to mitigate the longer-term crisis of climate ...

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“…It appears that many travelers around the world now prefer so-called green hotels as emphasized by Chan [15]. Using the label "green hotel" has typically the purpose of playing a critical role in customers' decision-making processes and behavioral intentions [16] and thereby as Pizam indicates [17] attract potential customers, Knuth is adding [18], evaluate whether a hotel is eco-friendly or not before booking.…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Motivations for and Comparisons of Green Certificates within the Hotel Industry

Eskerod¹,

Đurić²

2018

ujm

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A blooming hotel industry has the downside of an increased negative environmental impact. At the same time, many hotel guests and employees have become conscious of eco-friendliness and green practices. In addition, 2017 was by United Nations declared as the International Year of Sustainable Tourism for Development, with the emphasis on (among other elements) resource efficiency and environmental protection. A hotel that has obtained green certificate(s) promises green services, products, and operations, and possesses thereby (potentially) important strategic assets, when it comes to attracting customers and employees. Many green certifications are offered within the hotel industry, such as for example Green Globe and Green Key. However, which certificate(s) to choose is a strategic choice for the hotel management. In this paper, we examine green certifications in order to determine similarities and differences among them. As part of the research, we analyze the usage of green certificates in different regions (e.g. Southeast Europe). Even though many of the certifications are offered internationally, we identified clear differences in dissemination across regions. In addition to region, our motivation factor analysis shows that belonging to a hotel chain/brand seems to be highly influential on the choice of certificate(s).

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Seeing Green in San Francisco: City as Resource Frontier

Cited by 68 publications

References 48 publications

How market standards affect building design: The case of low energy design in commercial offices

How market standards affect building design: The case of low energy design in commercial offices

Green Devaluation: Disruption, Divestment, and Decommodification for a Green Economy

Motivations for and Comparisons of Green Certificates within the Hotel Industry

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