'Sectarianism' and Its Discontents in the Study of the Middle East

Haddad, Fanar

doi:10.3751/71.3.12

Cited by 50 publications

(31 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…Even a cursory survey of the literature—let alone mass media and public commentary—reveals a bewildering array of ways in which the concept is understood. In the vast majority of cases, the phrase is left undefined: In a recent survey of over 120 studies on sectarianism, I found that close to 70% made no attempt to define the term (Haddad, ). This is particularly problematic given how the phrase's elasticity and presumed negativity have sharpened its utility as a political tool with which to delegitimize political opposition and stigmatize difference and nonconformity—as evidenced in how mass‐protests in Bahrain and Syria in 2011 were effectively vilified by detractors with the nebulous charge of sectarianism (Wimmen, ; Al‐Rasheed, ).…”

Section: From “Sectarianism” To Sectarian Identitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Sectarian identity and national identity in the Middle East

Haddad

2019

Nations and Nationalism

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This article looks at modern sectarian (here referring to Sunni/Shi'a) identities and their interaction with nationalism in the Middle East. In doing so I make three interrelated claims: 1) the term ‘sectarianism’ is distortive and analytically counterproductive. A better understanding of modern sectarian identity requires us to jettison the term. 2) Once discarded, our focus can then shift to sectarian identity: how it is constructed, perceived, utilized and so forth. A holistic understanding of sectarian identity must recognize the multiple fields upon which it is constructed and contested. The model adopted here frames sectarian identity as simultaneously operating on four fields: doctrinal, subnational, transnational and, crucially for our purposes, the national dimension. 3) Thirdly, this article challenges the assumptions regarding national and sectarian identities in the modern Middle East. Contrary to conventional wisdom, modern sectarian identities are deeply embedded in the prism of the nation‐state and are inextricably linked to nationalism and national identity. The article will rely primarily on the example of modern Iraq but, as will be seen, the Iraqi example is significantly echoed in the cases of Bahrain, Syria and Lebanon.

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Section: From “Sectarianism” To Sectarian Identitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Sectarian identity and national identity in the Middle East

Haddad

2019

Nations and Nationalism

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“…The challenge of grasping and conceptualizing sectarianism, for instance, has received growing attention. In addition to discussions about whether a concept originally concerning divisions within European Christianity can be applied in a Middle Eastern Muslim context (Gaiser, ; see also Matthiesen, : 14; Osman, ), this growing conceptual awareness has also brought attention to how the term “sectarianism” in both Arabic and English literature is marked by huge confusion (Haddad, ). Moreover, it has been discussed whether sectarianism should be subsumed under other broader forms of identity politics, that is, is a “sect” similar to an “ethnic group” (Abdo, ; Haddad, ; Hashemi & Postel, ; Phillips & Valbjørn, ; Valbjørn, ), and whether sectarianism should be subdivided into different forms (e.g., banal/instrumental/radical sectarianism; folkoric/political sectarianism; positiv/negativ sectarianism; and sectarianism from above/below; see Haddad, ; Hinnebusch, ; Weiss, ).…”

Section: “Where Do We Come From”: Debating Sectarianism Before and Afmentioning

confidence: 99%

Beyond the beyond(s): On the (many) third way(s) beyond primordialism and instrumentalism in the study of sectarianism

Valbjørn

2019

Nations and Nationalism

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This meta‐study examines the nature of past and current theoretically informed debates on sectarian politics in the Middle East and identifies the biggest challenges and possible directions for the future study of sectarianism. Contrary to the conventional narrative about a “sectarian journey” torn between a flawed primordialist and instrumentalist approach in between which a new superior “third way” is needed, the article shows that both primordialism and instrumentalism are rare in the academic debate on sectarianism, quite similar to the broader ethnicity/nationalism debate. However, this has not resulted in a “new conventional wisdom” about how to proceed. Thus, the article identifies a cacophony of suggestions for how the much aspired‐to third way should look like. Against this background, the article suggests that it is time to go beyond the ritual calls to “get beyond primordialism and instrumentalism.” Instead, it is time to devote more attention to examining the multiple already existing suggestions for “third ways”. Rather than highlighting a single third way as superior, the article contributes to this move in two ways: it shows how the various third ways can be grouped into three “beyond strategies” (the New Saviour, the Baby and the Bathwater, and the LEGO eclectic strategies) and outlines a number of meta‐theoretical issues to consider in order to move the debate forward.

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“…Before discussing three hypotheses about what could help explain the apparent lack of Shia-Sunni dialogue, it is important to illustrate why we consider such dialogue to be necessary in the first place. Haddad (2014Haddad ( , 2017 has criticized what he describes as an indifferent and inflationary use of the term "sectarianism" in the regional context of the Middle East. In particular, he highlights the common failure to distinguish between the social, political, and religious dimensions that can create tensions between Shia and Sunni communities.…”

Section: The Increasing Levels Of Violence With Shia-sunni Dimensionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Why Is There So Little Shia–Sunni Dialogue? Understanding the Deficit of Intra-Muslim Dialogue and Interreligious Peacemaking

2019

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Despite a growth in fatalities resulting from organized violence with Shia–Sunni dimensions over the last two decades, in this study, we show, using existing data-bases on interreligious dialogue and peacemaking, that only less than two percent of the interreligious peacemaking organizations in the world are specialized in dialogue between Shias and Sunnis. Why is there so little institutionalized Shia–Sunni dialogue occurring when the need for such dialogue is evident? This study identifies and discusses this lack of institutional initiatives designed to prevent violence, manage conflicts and facilitate processes of intra-Muslim de-sectarianization. We discuss what we see as the three seemingly most obvious explanations—(1) the dismissal of the relevance of a Shia–Sunni cleavage, (2) the inappropriateness of the interreligious dialogue concept in the Muslim context, and (3) the substitution of institutional interreligious dialogue by other channels. Although we suggest that the third is the most potent explanation to pursue, we do not aim to provide a comprehensive explanation for the Shia–Sunni religious dialogue deficit. Instead, our aspiration is mainly to present and substantiate a puzzle that has not been identified or discussed in previous research. This can set an agenda for a reinvigorated research endeavor into the contemporary challenges for interreligious peacemaking.

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'Sectarianism' and Its Discontents in the Study of the Middle East

Cited by 50 publications

References 16 publications

Sectarian identity and national identity in the Middle East

Sectarian identity and national identity in the Middle East

Beyond the beyond(s): On the (many) third way(s) beyond primordialism and instrumentalism in the study of sectarianism

Why Is There So Little Shia–Sunni Dialogue? Understanding the Deficit of Intra-Muslim Dialogue and Interreligious Peacemaking

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