Russia’s perceptions and misperceptions of the EU Eastern Partnership

Gretskiy, Igor; Treshchenkov, Evgeny; Golubev, Konstantin A.

doi:10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.10.006

Cited by 25 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 4 publications

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“…The Kremlin advocates a pluralistic view of the international system, where international law represents a source of stability in the context of increasing contestation of international norms -presenting mostly a rigid interpretation of international law (Karagiannis 2014). Moreover, Moscow argues that great powers can have a legitimate claim to preserving spheres of interest in their neighbourhood (Gretskiy, Treshchenkov, and Golubev 2014). This is in clear contradiction with the understanding of the West which emphasises equality among states.…”

Section: The Clash Of Values and Worldviews Between The Eu And Russiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Towards conflict or cooperation? The Ukraine crisis and EU-Russia relations

Nitoiu

2016

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies

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Section: The Clash Of Values and Worldviews Between The Eu And Russiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Towards conflict or cooperation? The Ukraine crisis and EU-Russia relations

Nitoiu

2016

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies

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“…The USA and many European countries considered the annexation of Crimea an illegitimate and illegal act, violating not only the Ukrainian Constitution (art.73 states that any secession referendum must have the consent of the whole people of Ukraine) but also international legislation. Thus, events in Ukraine contributed to augment the divide between Russia and the EU (see, e.g., MacFarlane and Menon 2014; Gretskiy et al 2014).…”

Section: The Game Changer: Ukrainementioning

confidence: 99%

The quest for status: how the interplay of power, ideas, and regime security shapes Russia’s policy in the post-Soviet space

Freire¹

2018

Int Polit

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The aim of this article is to analyze how power, ideas, and domestic factors contribute to Russia's goal of status recognition. The article focuses in particular on Moscow's policies and actions in the post-Soviet area. Toward this end, it looks at recent developments in Russia's policy toward Ukraine, including the developments leading to the annexation of Crimea and events after the signing of the Minsk II agreement. Relatedly, it also addresses the formation of the Eurasian Economic Union. Finally, it looks at Moscow's policy toward Georgia since the 2008 war. In short, the article seeks to understand how Russia's status ambitions-underpinned by power politics, ideas, and domestic factors-shape its foreign policy behavior in the post-Soviet area.

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“…It has done this in an asymmetrical manner, always assuming that its values are morally superior to those of other states; in other words, value promotion has gone mostly one way (Delcour 2010). At the other end of spectrum, Russia has furthermore, denounced with regularity the promotion of EU values as an unfair intrusion into the internal affairs and political systems of other, sovereign, states (Gretskiy et al 2014). Post-Soviet states have in turn mixed views regarding the promotion of EU normative power.…”

Section: The Eu's Ideal Self In the Post-soviet Spacementioning

confidence: 99%

The European Union’s ‘Ideal Self’ in the Post-Soviet Space

Nitoiu

2018

Europe-Asia Studies

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During the last two decades, one of the cornerstones of the foreign policy of the European Union (EU) has been the development of a strong presence in its neighbourhood. The 2003 Security Strategy and the recent 2016Global Strategy highlighted the need to show that the EU can play a major role in the international arena by first establishing a strong presence in the neighbourhood and proving the union's effectiveness in the region. In this context, the aim of the essay is to explore the way the EU's 'ideal self' is constructed and perceived in the post-Soviet space. DURING THE LAST TWO DECADES, ONE OF THE CORNERSTONES OF THE foreign policy of the European Union (EU) has been represented by the development of a strong presence in its neighbourhood (Raik & Dinesen 2015). The 2003 Security Strategy 1 and the recent 2016 Global Strategy 2 highlighted the need to show that the European Union can play a major role in the international arena by first establishing a strong presence in the 1 The 2003 Security Strategy highlighted the EU's ambition to play a key role in world politics, and the expectation that it would manage to influence its neighbourhood following the 2004/2007 'big bang' enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe. For more details see: https://europa.eu/globalstrategy/en/europeansecurity-strategy-secure-europe-better-world 2 The 2016 Global Strategy stresses the fact that world politics has become less stable than a decade ago and require a different approach from the EU. The emphasis is on the need to develop an approach based on principled pragmatism, where the EU has more limited ambitions in international relations and seeks to pursue its interests in foreign policy. For more details see: https://europa.eu/globalstrategy/en/global-strategy-foreignand-security-policy-european-union 2 neighbourhood and proving the union's effectiveness in the region. This broad aim has been translated in various initiatives towards the neighbourhood such as the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) 3 , the Easter Partnership (EaP) 4 , and the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) 5 . As part of the European neighbourhood, the post-Soviet space has thus received significant attention from the EU, who aimed to shape both the domestic and foreign policies of the countries in the region. However, the EU's track record of shaping developments in the post-Soviet space has been at best mixed (Ademmer 2014), given the reluctance of some post-Soviet states to go beyond rhetoric in adapting their policies as well as EU member states' unwillingness and lack of commitment to fully support the union's approach to the region (Nilsson & Silander 2016). EU ouvertures have also been received with scepticism by some post-Soviet states, which tend to see EU policy towards the region as deeply unilateral, asymmetrical, and without regard for the specificities or needs of each country (Delcour 2010). Most of the findings from the open literature refer to the EU's ability to promote its integration project in the post-Soviet states, that is, the ...

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Russia’s perceptions and misperceptions of the EU Eastern Partnership

Cited by 25 publications

References 4 publications

Towards conflict or cooperation? The Ukraine crisis and EU-Russia relations

Towards conflict or cooperation? The Ukraine crisis and EU-Russia relations

The quest for status: how the interplay of power, ideas, and regime security shapes Russia’s policy in the post-Soviet space

The European Union’s ‘Ideal Self’ in the Post-Soviet Space

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