Abstract:Competition is a constitutive feature of capitalist societies. Social conflicts over the introduction, abolition and regulation of market organization are saturated with implicit moral arguments concerning the desirability of competition. Yet, unlike private property, exchange relations and social inequalities, economic competition has rarely been the explicit core of moral debates over capitalism. Drawing on a broad variety of social science literature, this article reconstructs, maps and systematizes ethical… Show more
“…Such actions have various manifestations in different economic policy domains: in the context of macroeconomic policy, they are translated into a preference for monetary policy over fiscal policy, and for lower public spending and taxation; in the context of welfare state and labor market policies, they are translated into policies that weaken the power of unions and coordination and into a preference of "social investment" over decommodification (Hemerijck 2018). They are also translated into a preference for enhancing competition in all economic and social domains (Ergen and Kohl 2020) and for financialization (Mader, Mertens, and van der Zwan 2019).…”
Section: Depoliticization and The Indirect Resilience Of Neoliberal P...mentioning
The resilience of neoliberal economic policies after the Great Financial Crisis (GFC) is one of the main puzzle political economists have coped with in recent years. In response, various authors have convincingly explained that the crisis did not significantly erode the political dominance of neoliberal ideas, interests, and institutions and therefore their influence on economic policies was maintained. But what explains the resilience of neoliberal policies even when their political dominance is eroded by significant social and political powers that challenge them? I argue that one important factor which supports neoliberal policies in such circumstances is the ideational-institutional depoliticization of economic policymaking. Specifically, the paper focuses on the political influence of neoliberal ideas of government: economic ideas that focus on appropriate decision-making processes rather than on appropriate policies per se, and which have guided the pre-GFC depoliticization of economic decision-making. The paper argues that ideational-institutional depoliticization has restrained the ability and willingness of powerful social and political actors to change neoliberal policies. This argument is demonstrated through a process-tracing analysis of three cases studies in which neoliberal policies were challenged, which took place in Sweden (2014–2018) and Israel (2011–2019).
“…Such actions have various manifestations in different economic policy domains: in the context of macroeconomic policy, they are translated into a preference for monetary policy over fiscal policy, and for lower public spending and taxation; in the context of welfare state and labor market policies, they are translated into policies that weaken the power of unions and coordination and into a preference of "social investment" over decommodification (Hemerijck 2018). They are also translated into a preference for enhancing competition in all economic and social domains (Ergen and Kohl 2020) and for financialization (Mader, Mertens, and van der Zwan 2019).…”
Section: Depoliticization and The Indirect Resilience Of Neoliberal P...mentioning
The resilience of neoliberal economic policies after the Great Financial Crisis (GFC) is one of the main puzzle political economists have coped with in recent years. In response, various authors have convincingly explained that the crisis did not significantly erode the political dominance of neoliberal ideas, interests, and institutions and therefore their influence on economic policies was maintained. But what explains the resilience of neoliberal policies even when their political dominance is eroded by significant social and political powers that challenge them? I argue that one important factor which supports neoliberal policies in such circumstances is the ideational-institutional depoliticization of economic policymaking. Specifically, the paper focuses on the political influence of neoliberal ideas of government: economic ideas that focus on appropriate decision-making processes rather than on appropriate policies per se, and which have guided the pre-GFC depoliticization of economic decision-making. The paper argues that ideational-institutional depoliticization has restrained the ability and willingness of powerful social and political actors to change neoliberal policies. This argument is demonstrated through a process-tracing analysis of three cases studies in which neoliberal policies were challenged, which took place in Sweden (2014–2018) and Israel (2011–2019).
“…To be sure, the ideational embeddedness of market society is not unchartered territory [Ergen and Kohl 2020]. In his tour d'horizon of interpretations of market society, Hirschman [1982] identified intellectual positions that view markets as civilizing, destructive, or feeble.…”
The economic discipline plays a performative role in constructing the moral order of market society. Yet, little attention has been paid to what economists explicitly regard as moral or how they conceive of morality. This article reflects a recent attempt to put morals into economics, that is, to introduce morality as a research topic in behavioural and experimental economics. It maps three research programs that theorize the moral economy. The programs emphasize the moral foundations of market society, the moral limits of market expansion, and the moral consequences of market trading and, thus, appear irreconcilable with classifications of economists as market enthusiasts or moral agnostics. At the same time, however, the literature centres on an “economized” form of morality that is corrective to market inefficiencies, attributed to the responsibility of the individual, and expressed in rational terms. In doing so, this literature contributes to redefining moral problems in economic terms.
Significant efforts have been made to promote competition in public service sectors, expanding the reach of competition into non-economic fields. Surprisingly little is, however, known about the process by which competition is introduced into such settings. We examine this process, focusing on a Swedish municipality’s efforts to implement competition for students among its schools. By incorporating recent theoretical advancements regarding competition as an organized relationship, and utilizing a combination of qualitative and quantitative data, we shed light on the organizational efforts undertaken by politicians and bureaucrats to teach their schools to compete. We find that introducing competition can be complex, time-consuming and that it requires substantial organizational commitment. We highlight the existence of varying perceptions of competition among different stakeholders following its introduction. These findings suggest the need for future research that addresses questions about the costs of, and interests behind, introducing competition, as well as questions about responsibility for the subsequent effects of competition.
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