Rising Accents in Castilian Spanish: A Revision of Sp_ToBI

Abstract

This paper employs Castilian Spanish data to examine the issue of rising pitch accents and their phonological analysis. The preliminary Sp_ToBI annotation conventions are shown to be inadequate for representing the Castilian Spanish data, and therefore a revision is proposed. Through an examination of data on Castilian Spanish rising accents in a variety of sentence types, two primary contributions are made in this paper. First, new empirical data on the inventory of rising pitch accents in Castilian Spanish is provided, showing that there is a three-way contrast that must be accounted for. Secondly, an analysis of rising accents is proposed that is based on the secondary association of pitch accent tones that not only is able to account for the three-way contrast in rising accents, but which offers a more straightforward manner of assigning starredness in bitonal pitch accents. 1 It should be noted that Ortiz Lira (1999), prior to the Sp_ToBI workshop, had attempted to apply the ToBI system of English (Beckman & Ayers 1994) to the Spanish of Chile. The Sp_ToBI system proposed by Beckman et al. (2002), however, has been more widely recognized, likely due at least in part to its broader

The Realization of Focus in Asturian Spanish

“…The use of the focal pitch accent L+H* found in other dialects of Spanish (Face 2001;Face and Prieto 2007;Vanrell and Fernández-Soriano in press) did not increase significantly enough to confirm its phonological role among the group of participants of this study, and it was only present in the speech of a few participants. This provides support to the idea of an underlying rising pitch accent (LH)* proposed in Hualde (2002).…”

“…In nuclear position, it is possible to find a variety of pitch accents, namely L+H*, L* or H+L*. The use of L+H*, that is, a rising pitch accent with its peak aligned within the stressed syllable, has been reported as well in pre-nuclear position not only for contrastive focus (de la Mota 1997;Face 2001Face , 2002Face and Prieto 2007;Gabriel, Feldhausen & Pešková 2009;Hualde 2002) but also for informational focus (Vanrell and Fernández-Soriano in press). Nonetheless, whether there is a phonological contrast between L+<H* and L+H* (shown in Figure 1) is still an open question raised by Hualde and Prieto (2015).…”

A Description of Tucumán Spanish Intonation in Argentina

“…Results in the previous section provide a detailed phonetic description of the basic intonational contours attested in Tucumán Spanish, within the Sp_ToBI framework (Beckman et al 2002;Face and Prieto 2007;Hualde 2003;Hualde and Prieto 2015;Prieto andRoseano 2009-2013) with regard to broad focus statements, absolute and partial interrogatives (neutral and marked), and vocatives. In this section, we summarize the main contours and when appropriate, we establish comparisons with Castilian Spanish and BAS.…”

“…The current study is the first to provide a detailed description of the intonation system of Tucumán Spanish (TS) according to the Autosegmental-Metrical (AM) model of intonation (Hualde 2003;Ladd 2008;Pierrehumbert 1980) and the Sp_ToBI annotation conventions (Aguilar et al 2009;Beckman et al 2002;Face and Prieto 2007;Prieto andRoseano 2009-2013;Hualde and Prieto 2015), and it thus contributes to achieving a clearer picture of the intonational variety in Argentina. Additionally, this study complements previous research on the intonation of Argentinian Spanish, which has mainly studied varieties spoken in the capital, i.e., Buenos Aires (BA) (Colantoni 2005;Colantoni and Gurlekian 2004;Enbe and Tobin 2008;Feldhausen et al 2010Feldhausen et al , 2011Fontanella de Weinberg 1980;Gabriel et al 2010;Kaisse 2001;Labastía 2006Labastía , 2016Lee 2010;Pešková 2015;Pešková et al , 2011Pešková et al , 2012Pešková et al , 2013 and dialects such as Córdoba Spanish and Guaraní Spanish (Colantoni 2011;Dabkowski et al 2011;Feldhausen et al 2010;Lang-Rigal 2014).…”

¿Cómo percibe el hablante nativo los tonos de frontera producidos por hablantes de español L2? Efectos pragmáticos de una transferencia prosódica del sueco al español

“…La inflexión ascendente final se ha documentado como típica de la indagativa común-mente llamada "interrogación absoluta" o "pregunta absoluta" en las descripciones del español peninsular realizadas por Navarro Tomás (1944: 141) y luego por Quilis (1985y 1993), Sosa (1999, Face (2007), Face y Prieto (2007), Font-Rotchés y Mateo (2013), entre otros. Varios estudios han confirmado que el patrón final ascendente caracteriza también la interrogativa absoluta del español de Chile (Tapia, 1995;Cid Uribe, 2000;Román y otros, 2008;Ortiz y otros, 2010).…”