Resistance and Collaboration in Southern and Central Africa, c. 1850-1920

Isaacman, Allen; Isaacman, Barbara

doi:10.2307/216890

Cited by 64 publications

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“…By exclusively focusing on differences, therefore, the dichotomy between colonizer and colonized seems to homogenize both groups. In doing so, it obscures the fact that various social groups within the indigenous people respond to and interact with the colonial power in significantly different ways (see Isaacman and Isaacman 1977). 2 To the extent that many postcolonial societies experienced internal political and social conflict during the process of postcolonial state-building, it is important to consider how various social groups interacted differently with colonial powers, and how this in turn led to the development of contentious relationships among indigenous people.…”

Section: Colonial Legacies In the Process Of Postcolonial State Formamentioning

confidence: 99%

Colonial Legacies and the Struggle for Social Membership in a National Community: The 1946 People's Uprisings in Korea

Kang

2011

Journal of Historical Sociology

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The historical experience of colonialism exerts a profound influence upon emergent postcolonial societies. Yet colonial legacies are not passed on in precisely the same way; rather, they are contingent on particular historical processes. In the case of Korea, Japanese colonialism gave way to a brief liberation phase that was followed by another foreign occupation (the U.S. in the south and the U.S.S.R. in the north) during which efforts were made to rebuild the political community. Focusing on the 1946 people's uprisings, the largest popular social movement during the U.S. occupation period, as a pivotal historical event, this article examines why the primary target of the uprisings was not the foreign military government but fellow Koreans, especially police officers, bureaucrats, and wealthy landlords, thereby revealing how Japanese colonial rule influenced the movement's choice of targets as well as its eventual failure. Through this historical analysis, I demonstrate that internal conflicts among Koreans, which were created and rearticulated through Japanese colonial rule, became critical sources of social and political struggles under the American occupation, the important consequence of which lies in the creation of a pattern of internal exclusion that characterized South Korea's post-war political trajectory.On my way from work, I saw a lot of stuff piled in the street and people surrounding it. It was a high-ranking government employee's house, who'd lost favor with the people during the Japanese colonial period. They searched his house and found a lot of rice, sugar, and cotton fabric. This kind of stuff was really precious back then. People didn't take the stuff for themselves but put it in the street and shouted 'see this, now people are poorly clothed and suffering from hunger, and this son of bitch is living well against the people.' They cursed him and shouted he should be beaten to death.On October 1, 1946, Taegu, a city in the North Kyȏngsang Province in Korea, became a center of protest, where women and children went to the city hall to demand rice, and sympathetic union workers and students gathered at the railroad station. As people took over the police station, attacks against policemen and government officials emerged, and martial law was proclaimed. The statement quoted above (Kang interview with author,

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Section: Colonial Legacies In the Process Of Postcolonial State Formamentioning

confidence: 99%

Colonial Legacies and the Struggle for Social Membership in a National Community: The 1946 People's Uprisings in Korea

Kang

2011

Journal of Historical Sociology

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“…The ongoing, if prosaic, struggle between peasants and those who sought to extract from them their labor, rent, food, and taxes is a critical chapter in the social and political history of colonial Africa. The concept of everyday or hidden forms of resistance, derived from American slave and European agrarian historiography (Bauer and Bauer, 1942;Blassingame, 1972;Blok, 1972;Genovese, 1974;Mullin, 1972;Tilly, 1982), offered Africanists a strategic entry into the less visible ways in which rural men and women helped to make their own history (Beinart and Bundy, 1987;Bradford, 1987;Isaacman and Isaacman, 1977;Last, 1970;Ranger, 1986b;Watts, 1988; see also Cohen, 1980, concerning urban workers). Work slowdowns, pilfering, sabotage, dissimulation, flight, and the other weapons of the weak were more than just a nuisance to the powerful.…”

Section: A Peasants and Everyday Strugglementioning

confidence: 99%

“…53 More often than not, I suggest, intent may have been polyvalent. Ethiopian, Angolan, Zimbabwean, and Mozambican bandits who robbed tax collectors, for example, may have had several motives (Clarence- Smith, 1979b;Crummey, 1986;Fernyhough, 1986;Isaacman, 1977). Plundering may have been a way of resisting surplus extraction, of feeding an undernourished family, and of and accumulating a small amount of capital.…”

Section: A Peasants and Everyday Strugglementioning

confidence: 99%

“…One school of thought (Clarence- Smith, 1979b;Coquery-Vidrovitch, 1985;Isaacman, 1977;Keller, 1973;Kea, 1986;Ranger, 1985;Roche, 1976;Seleti, 1987) rejects the penchant of colonial regimes for dismissing most forms of rural protest as deviant criminal behavior. Drawing inspiration from Hobsbawm (1965;, they insist that a distinction be made between social bandits who attacked the institutions that oppressed the rural populace and those outlaws and brigands who indiscriminately preyed upon all sectors of society.…”

Section: Getting Even: the Politics Of Retributionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Peasants and Rural Social Protest in Africa

Isaacman¹

1990

African Studies Review

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Peasants are an ambiguous social category. They are difficult to define and their political behavior defies most generalizations. Nevertheless, social scientists, many working outside of Africa, have produced a voluminous literature debating both the critical characteristics and the analytical utility of the term peasant. Some take the view that peasants have been defined so broadly and contradictorily as to render the concept virtually useless and that the notion should either be discarded or referred to only by negation (Dalton, 1972; Hill, 1963; Moore, 1972; Ennew, Hirst, and Tribe, 1977; Friedmann, 1980). Other scholars obviously disagree, having advanced definitions of the essence of peasants and varieties of agrarian change. Culturalists such as Kroeber (1948) and Redfield (1956) highlighted the peasants' folk version of a higher culture. Chayanov (1966) emphasized the demographic cycle of the peasant household, exhibiting a natural pattern of growth and change. Wolf (1966) and Godelier (1973) shifted the focus to the historically derived relationships of domination in which peasants were subsumed. Shanin defined peasants “as a kind of arrangement of humanity” (1973: 76) in which their partial involvement in the market and their partial subordination to the state or appropriating class were their most salient characteristics. These debates were reproduced within African Studies. Those skeptical that the concept had any analytical value initially prevailed. This position was defended most vigorously in a theoretical essay by Fallers (1961) and in Hill's (1963) masterful work on agrarian change in southern Ghana. As late as 1972, Post noted that “most writers either evade this issue or display analytical uncertainty or forthrightly reject the term [peasant]” (1972: 223).

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“…Acrescentaram que estes estudos, ao colocarem o foco da atenção nas ações das elites africanas, não conseguiram reconhecer as ações de camponeses, escravos e comerciantes. 16 Estes novos estudos dos finais da década de 1970 retrataram as lutas dos trabalhadores agrícolas durante o período colonial como resistências protonacionalistas, ampliando o uso do conceito de resistência ao incluir qualquer tipo de ação contrária ao capitalismo e ao colonialismo, como roubos, deserções, fugas, dissimulação e sabotagem, o que se convencionou denominar de protesto social. 17 Mais recentemente, Frederick Cooper fez uma crítica ao uso do conceito de resistência no artigo Conflito e conexão: repensando a história colonial da África.…”

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A dinâmica das relações no norte de Moçambique no final do século XIX e início do século XX

Mattos

2014

Rev. hist.

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Resumo O artigo tem por objetivo apresentar os principais fatores desencadeadores e as formas de mobilização dos agentes envolvidos na "coligação de resistência" organizada, no final do século XIX, por chefes de Angoche, Sangage, Sancul, Quitangonha e dos grupos macua-imbamela e namarrais, às interferências da política colonialista portuguesa no norte de Moçambique, dando destaque para as dimensões das relações entre os diversos agentes históricos na região. Palavras-chaveMoçambique -conexões históricas -mecanismos coloniais. ContatoRua Marquês de São Vicente, 225 Edifício da Amizade/Ala Cardeal Frings -sala F512 22453-900 -Rio de Janeiro -Rio de Janeiro

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Resistance and Collaboration in Southern and Central Africa, c. 1850-1920

Cited by 64 publications

References 0 publications

Colonial Legacies and the Struggle for Social Membership in a National Community: The 1946 People's Uprisings in Korea

Colonial Legacies and the Struggle for Social Membership in a National Community: The 1946 People's Uprisings in Korea

Peasants and Rural Social Protest in Africa

A dinâmica das relações no norte de Moçambique no final do século XIX e início do século XX

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