1997
DOI: 10.2307/3774080
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Residence Rules and Ultimogeniture in Tlaxcala and Mesoamerica

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Cited by 35 publications
(29 citation statements)
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“…Source: Sousa et al (2010). although the numbers are too small for significant associations. For example, daughters-in-law were more likely to be identified as main carers in the rural Mexican catchment than elsewhere, which may reflect particularly strong local traditions of virilocality (Robichaux, 1997). There are also variations for carers who were unrelated to the older person: in all cases these people were paid to provide care.…”
Section: Design and Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Source: Sousa et al (2010). although the numbers are too small for significant associations. For example, daughters-in-law were more likely to be identified as main carers in the rural Mexican catchment than elsewhere, which may reflect particularly strong local traditions of virilocality (Robichaux, 1997). There are also variations for carers who were unrelated to the older person: in all cases these people were paid to provide care.…”
Section: Design and Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…McCaa 2003). These tendencies have endured in the household organization of contemporary Nahua communities in central Mexico, but the importance of bilateral kin ties and joint families has declined in favor of Spanish-style patrilineal, nuclear ones (Nutini 1968(Nutini , 1996Robichaux 1997). Robichaux (1997, p.161) proposes that the contemporary Nahua preference for male ultimogeniture in house ownership likely has prehispanic roots, which he suggests may have been a policy imposed by Teotihuacan or a later central Mexican state.…”
Section: Gulf Of Mexico Pacific Oceanmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…It seems that inheritance preferences in Guadalajara echo the complexity noted for rural Mexico (Cuaquentzi Pineda 2007; González Montes 1988; Mulhare 2004; Nuitjen 2003; Robichaux 1988; Robles Berlanga et al 2000). Authors writing about rural or indigenous populations nonetheless observe a persistent preference for leaving the house to the youngest son, to the extent that Robichaux (1997:158–60) now describes this practice, along with recently married couples going to live with the man's parents, as defining features of a “Mesoamerican family system.” Initial patrivirilocality is followed by establishment of separate households for married sons, but the youngest son remains in the parental home, looking after his parents in their old age in exchange for inheriting the house after their death (Robichaux 2002:75; see also Mulhare 2004; Nuitjen 2003; Ruiz Meza 2006). 4…”
Section: Inheritancementioning
confidence: 99%