Remaking the Italian party system: How Lijphart got it wrong by saying it right

Calise, Mauro

doi:10.1080/01402389308424990

Cited by 11 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…6. The 'First ' Italian Republic (1946-1993) was a 'partycracy', characterized by the systematic occupation of the state machinery by political parties (Bull and Rhodes, 2009). Italy still displays institutions porous to political interests (Pasquino, 2015).…”

Section: Fundingmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Citizens may also conceive of themselves as belonging to the State via the medium of an intermediate normative order. Thus Italy’s post-war mass parties educated citizens to political participation in democratic institutions (Gallo, 2015: 610; Pasquino, 2002: 71, 2015: 38; Selmini, 2005: 317; Urbinati, 2013: 189), with the PCI and DC ‘[adapting] their ideological confrontation so as to make it become an […] asset that contributed to the country’s political integration’ (Calise,1993: 558). Here belonging was in the parties —with their historically strong subcultures (Bogaards, 2005: 507; Donovan, 2003: 98)—and, through the parties, in the State .…”

Section: State and Punishment In Italymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Similarly, stratification may also extend to the presence or absence of political ‘visions’ within society, so that we cannot assume the exclusive dominance of law and order narratives. Admittedly contemporary ‘visions’ may be increasingly narrow: for example, the demise of mass parties in Italy was met by a resurgence of localism (Calise, 1993: 558; Selmini, 2005: 319). Dispiriting as this may be from the perspective of a democratic politics premised on inclusive participation and national collective goods (Gallo, 2015: 612; Lacey and Soskice, 2015: 469–470), it nonetheless suggests that further investigation needs to be undertaken, before we conclude that all western democracies, and all citizens within such democracies, have equally transitioned into ‘anti-politics’ with its penchant for penal control.…”

Section: Anti-politics and Punishment—comparisons And Implicationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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‘The constitution of political membership’: Punishment, political membership, and the Italian case

Gallo

2017

Theoretical Criminology

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Abstract:The article argues that punishment will vary depending on how political membership is constituted in different polities. This has significant implications for arguments that link contemporary Western punitiveness to 'anti-politics', understood here as a degradation of political membership. The article argues that the spread of 'anti-politics' and its penal implications will depend on how political membership is constituted in different polities and in their 'State'. It reaches this conclusion by exploring the way in which 'the State' appears in the literature on politics and punishment, and by adopting a re-worked definition of 'the State'. The Italian case study is then used to demonstrate both the link between punishment and political membership, and the need to contextualise our analyses of 'anti-politics' and punitiveness.

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Section: Fundingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: State and Punishment In Italymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Anti-politics and Punishment—comparisons And Implicationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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‘The constitution of political membership’: Punishment, political membership, and the Italian case

Gallo

2017

Theoretical Criminology

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“…In spite of such challenges, the Italian party system seemed to be able to survive indefinitely when an unprecedented transformation began in the early 1990s. Party organizations have literally fallen apart after at least thirty years of successful adaptation to societal and political system changes (Bardi & Morlino 1994;Calise 1993). A number of the traditional parties suffered divisions and transformations, including the three largest ones, Christian Democracy (DC), PCI, and Italian Socialist Party (PSI).'…”

Section: Party System Change In Italymentioning

confidence: 99%

Anti‐party sentiment and party system change in Italy

Bardi

1996

European J Political Res

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This article attempts to assess (a) the extent to which anti‐party sentiment has been a factor in Italy's current political changes, with particular reference to the party system; (b) whether such changes can in turn be considered to be a preliminary step towards the rejection of the party‐based model of democracy. Elite and mass indicators, whose values rose sharply at the end of the 1980s and culminated in the early 1990s, reveal that anti‐party sentiment was indeed a factor in Italy's recent party system changes. The ability of anti‐party and anti‐system lists to attract many dissatisfied electors resulted in the major 1992–1994 party system realignment. Mass anti‐party sentiment, however, appears to have ebbed after the 1993 referendums on party financing and on the electoral law, which were arguably the highest manifestations of popular rejection of the old party‐system. It would seem that with realignment popular anti‐party sentiment has reached its goals. Perhaps as a consequence, at least some of the successful anti‐party parties are already becoming more party‐like. In the transition between Italy's first and second Republics, the party‐based model of democracy has not yet been replaced.

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Conditions Favouring Parties of the Extreme Right in Western Europe

Jackman¹,

Volpert²

1996

Brit. J. Polit. Sci

433

220

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We examine the systemic conditions that have influenced the electoral success of parties of the extreme right in West European politics from 1970 through 1990. Empirical estimates based on 103 elections in sixteen countries suggest that electoral and party-system factors interact with each other to generate conditions conducive to these parties. Specifically, increasing electoral thresholds dampen support for the extreme right as the number of parliamentary parties expands. At the same time, multi-partism increasingly fosters parties of the extreme right with rising electoral proportionality. Our analyses also indicate that higher rates of unemployment provide a favourable environment for these political movements. These results suggest that levels of electoral support for the extreme right are sensitive to factors that can be modified through policy instruments.

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Remaking the Italian party system: How Lijphart got it wrong by saying it right

Cited by 11 publications

References 10 publications

‘The constitution of political membership’: Punishment, political membership, and the Italian case

‘The constitution of political membership’: Punishment, political membership, and the Italian case

Anti‐party sentiment and party system change in Italy

Conditions Favouring Parties of the Extreme Right in Western Europe

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