Abstract:An correlational analysis between accuracy levels of gender agreement ± based on an analysis of 519 gender errors out of 9378 modifiers in the advanced French interlanguage of 27 Flemish L1 speakers-and morphosyntactic and lexical variables, revealed a clear negative relationship between the number of gender errors and fluency variables. No relation was found between gender errors and other types of agreement errors. This suggests that more advanced learners, whose interlanguage speech production process is mo… Show more
“…Although Spanish has a binary gender system (masculine or feminine) for nouns, determiners, adjectives, and pronouns (Roca, 1989), only nouns have intrinsic gender (Carroll, 1989; DeWaele & Véronique, 2000, 2001). For animate nouns, gender may be assigned conceptually and allow for determining the biological sex of the referent (natural or semantic gender; but not always; cf.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Accordingly, Anglophone learners of L2 Spanish initially transfer L1 properties (no gender on determiners or adjectives and no agreement) but may reset nominal features to L2 values, eventually gaining gender on determiners and adjectives with agreement. For example, Bruhn de Garavito and White (2002) reported that beginning and intermediate French‐Spanish late learners were highly accurate at producing determiner‐noun gender and number agreement, and White et al (2004) found that intermediate and advanced French‐Spanish and English‐Spanish late learners were as accurate as native Spanish speakers on perceiving and producing gender and number agreement in Spanish DPs (for further evidence that learners produce the same errors independently of their L1, see Bartning, 2000; Dewaele & Véronique, 2000, 2001; Fernández‐García, 1999).…”
This study examines whether adult second language (L2) learners of an ungendered first language (L1) are sensitive to gender congruency (grammatical feature absent in the L1) and noun animacy (semantic feature present in the L1) when processing L2 gender concord and whether L2 proficiency level determines such sensitivity. To address these questions, 63 Spanish monolinguals and 69 beginning and 64 intermediate Anglophone late learners of L2 Spanish completed a moving-window and a grammaticality judgment task with sentences with gender concord and discord with animate and inanimate nouns. The moving-window data reveal longer reading times in sentences with gender discord than concord and in those with animate than inanimate nouns in intermediates and Spanish monolinguals but not in beginners. Similarly, grammaticality judgments show that intermediates are more accurate in sentences with inanimate than animate nouns and are better than beginners in sentences with gender agreement violations. These results suggest that intermediate learners display targetlike patterns that are more qualitatively similar to those of natives than beginners, both in terms of semantic and grammatical features. In addition, these findings indicate that agreement with animate nouns is cognitively more demanding than with inanimate nouns both for intermediates and Spanish monolinguals, in line with lexical and syntactic accounts of gender.We would like to express our gratitude to Joyce Bruhn de Garavito, Pedro Guijarro-Fuentes, Jacqueline Toribio, Ludovica Serratrice, Bonnie Schwartz, the anonymous reviewers, and the audience of the 7th International Symposium on Bilingualism for their insightful comments and suggestions. Any shortcomings of the study are our sole responsibility.
“…Although Spanish has a binary gender system (masculine or feminine) for nouns, determiners, adjectives, and pronouns (Roca, 1989), only nouns have intrinsic gender (Carroll, 1989; DeWaele & Véronique, 2000, 2001). For animate nouns, gender may be assigned conceptually and allow for determining the biological sex of the referent (natural or semantic gender; but not always; cf.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Accordingly, Anglophone learners of L2 Spanish initially transfer L1 properties (no gender on determiners or adjectives and no agreement) but may reset nominal features to L2 values, eventually gaining gender on determiners and adjectives with agreement. For example, Bruhn de Garavito and White (2002) reported that beginning and intermediate French‐Spanish late learners were highly accurate at producing determiner‐noun gender and number agreement, and White et al (2004) found that intermediate and advanced French‐Spanish and English‐Spanish late learners were as accurate as native Spanish speakers on perceiving and producing gender and number agreement in Spanish DPs (for further evidence that learners produce the same errors independently of their L1, see Bartning, 2000; Dewaele & Véronique, 2000, 2001; Fernández‐García, 1999).…”
This study examines whether adult second language (L2) learners of an ungendered first language (L1) are sensitive to gender congruency (grammatical feature absent in the L1) and noun animacy (semantic feature present in the L1) when processing L2 gender concord and whether L2 proficiency level determines such sensitivity. To address these questions, 63 Spanish monolinguals and 69 beginning and 64 intermediate Anglophone late learners of L2 Spanish completed a moving-window and a grammaticality judgment task with sentences with gender concord and discord with animate and inanimate nouns. The moving-window data reveal longer reading times in sentences with gender discord than concord and in those with animate than inanimate nouns in intermediates and Spanish monolinguals but not in beginners. Similarly, grammaticality judgments show that intermediates are more accurate in sentences with inanimate than animate nouns and are better than beginners in sentences with gender agreement violations. These results suggest that intermediate learners display targetlike patterns that are more qualitatively similar to those of natives than beginners, both in terms of semantic and grammatical features. In addition, these findings indicate that agreement with animate nouns is cognitively more demanding than with inanimate nouns both for intermediates and Spanish monolinguals, in line with lexical and syntactic accounts of gender.We would like to express our gratitude to Joyce Bruhn de Garavito, Pedro Guijarro-Fuentes, Jacqueline Toribio, Ludovica Serratrice, Bonnie Schwartz, the anonymous reviewers, and the audience of the 7th International Symposium on Bilingualism for their insightful comments and suggestions. Any shortcomings of the study are our sole responsibility.
“…There has been a lot of research on both the comprehension and production of L2 grammatical gender (Andersen, 1984;Rogers, 1984;1987;Finneman, 1992;Shelton, 1996;Myles, 1995;Hawkins, 1998;Dewaele and Véronique, 2000;Franceschina, 2001;2002;White et al, 2004). These studies have shown that L2 gender errors are frequent, that overgeneralization to one form occurs, that accuracy depends on the actual amount of use of the L2 and not on the amount of classroom exposure and that gender agreement seems to be more difficult when the agreeing element is structurally more distant from the noun it has to agree with.…”
International audienceIn this article second language (L2) knowledge of Dutch grammatical gender is investigated. Adult speakers of German, English and a Romance language (French, Italian or Spanish) were investigated to explore the role of transfer in learning the Dutch grammatical gender system. In the first language (L1) systems, German is the most similar to Dutch coming from a historically similar system. The Romance languages have grammatical gender; however, the system is not congruent to the Dutch system. English does not have grammatical gender (although semantic gender is marked in the pronoun system). Experiment 1, a simple gender assignment task, showed that all L2 participants tested could assign the correct gender to Dutch nouns (all L2 groups performing on average above 80%), although having gender in the L1 did correlate with higher accuracy, particularly when the gender systems were very similar. Effects of noun familiarity and a default gender strategy were found for all participants. In Experiment 2 agreement between the noun and the relative pronoun was investigated. In this task a distinct performance hierarchy was found with the German group performing the best (though significantly worse than native speakers), the Romance group performing well above chance (though not as well as the German group), and the English group performing at chance. These results show that L2 acquisition of grammatical gender is affected more by the morphological similarity of gender marking in the L1 and L2 than by the presence of abstract syntactic gender features in the L1
“…Ils doivent pour cela probablement vaincre une certaine réticence à utiliser des variantes sociolinguistiqes condamnées comme non-standard et faiblement marquées par le professeur de langue. Les extravertis semblent avoir un léger avantage, étant par nature moins anxieux et plus loquaces que les introvertis et ambivertis.L'effet plus important de la fréquence d'interactions authentiques, comparée à la durée et l'intensité de l'instruction formelle, a également été constaté dans des études sur l'acquisition de la compétence grammaticale des mêmes apprenants (Dewaele et Véronique, 2000; Dewaele, à paraître a).Nous avons suggéré que la grande variation inter-individuelle dans les taux d'omission est essentiellement due à l'interaction de variables socio-psychologiques, situationnelles et communicatives. Une partie beaucoup plus limitée dans la variaiton pourrait s'expliquer par la réapparition momentanée de structures non-natives fossilisées qui côtoyeraient ainsi occasionnellement les structures natives.…”
Résumé L'acquisition de la norme sociolinguistique française pose des problèmes considérables aux locuteurs non-natifs. L'analyse de la variation dans l'omission du ne dans un corpus d'interlangue avancée de 27 apprenants néerlandophones interviewés dans une situation informelle et formelle confirme que l'instruction formelle est insuffisante pour la maîtrise de la norme sociolinguistique native. Une majorité de locuteurs omettent le ne un peu moins souvent dans une situation formelle mais la variation va dans le sens opposé pour une minorité de locuteurs. L'observation et surtout la participation à des interactions authentiques avec des locuteurs natifs stimulent l'acquisition de la norme sociolinguistique. Une analyse statistique révèle que différentes variables socio-biographiques, psychologiques et situationnelles déterminent la variation intra-et interindividuelle dans les taux d'omission du ne.
IntroductionEn dehors des pays francophones, l'apprentissage du français se déroule généralement en milieu guidé 1 . C'est dans la classe de langue que l'apprenant acquiert le lexique, les règles de syntaxe et de morphologie qui lui permettent de communiquer dans la langue-cible. Dans l'enseignement des langues, on met actuellement l'accent sur la compétence communicative (Yalden, 1991). Cela signifie, en théorie, que l'élève apprend des actes de langage dans la langue-cible et acquiert par ce biais une compétence sociolinguistique et grammaticale. Le programme officiel pour l'enseignement du français en Flandre (Leerplan Secundair Onderwijs), par exemple, spécifie ainsi que la composante grammaticale est subordonnée aux objectifs communicationnels (1997a: 23). Dans son étude sur les manuels de français en Flandre, Pierrard (1993) constate que la méthode audiovisuelle cèda progressivement la place vers la fin des années 70 aux approches communicatives. La salle de classe reste cependant un environnement très particulier. Il existe une différence de taille entre le professeur qui enseigne des actes de communication et qui demande aux élèves de les répéter et l'élève qui se trouve dans des situations de communication authentiques en dehors de son cocon scolaire. Un des problèmes de la communication en salle de classe est que les élèves parlent relativement peu entre eux (Foster, 1998) et que les professeurs eux-mêmes ne s'engagent pas suffisamment dans des interactions négociées avec les apprenants (Lyster, 1998). Les apprenants ont peur de s'exprimer, et la piètre opinion qu'ils ont de leur propre compétence les décourage d'utiliser la langue-cible avec des locuteurs natifs en dehors de la salle de classe (Tarone et Swain, 1995; Cohen, 1997). Ils entrent donc dans un cercle vicieux dont ils sortent difficilement (MacIntyre et Charos, 1996; Baker et MacIntyre, 2000). Le manque de compétence sociolinguistique renforce l'isolement linguistique des élèves. Il est ainsi peu probable que l'élève ait appris l'argot et les registres familiers dans lesquels la majorité des francophones s'expriment la plupart du temps (Dewael...
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