Refining the Influence of Language on National Attachment: Exploring Linguistic Threat Perceptions in Quebec

Medeiros, Mike

doi:10.1080/13537113.2017.1380457

Cited by 12 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 15 publications

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“…Lingua francas are thirdparty languages; they are used as vehicles for inter-ethnic communication (Crystal 2003). Here it is important to note that no natural language (even English) is a lingua franca in all contexts-for example the status of English in Canada (Medeiros 2017).…”

Section: E N G L I S H P R O F I C I E N C Y a N D A T T I T U D E S mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Effects of Foreign Language Proficiency on Public Attitudes: Evidence From the Chinese-Speaking World

Hu¹,

Liu²

2020

J. East Asian Stud.

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What explains public attitudes towards a former aggressor state? Conventional wisdom would suggest the prevalence of negative sentiments rooted in historical hatred. In this article we contend that when individuals are proficient in a foreign language—e.g. a lingua franca—they have an alternative channel through which they are exposed to positive narratives put forth by other parties regarding the former aggressor state. And as a result, their attitudes towards the former aggressor state are more positive than those held by their linguistically limited counterparts. To test our argument, we focus on public attitudes towards the Japanese in Mainland China, Singapore, and Taiwan—three Chinese-ethnic majority political units that experienced Japanese aggression leading up to and during World War II. Using survey data, we demonstrate that individuals who are proficient in the English language are much more likely to hold positive attitudes of the Japanese. These results are robust even when we consider whether some individuals are predisposed to being cosmopolitan; whether some individuals have more opportunities to learn English; and whether the linguistic effects are symptomatic of American soft power.

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Section: E N G L I S H P R O F I C I E N C Y a N D A T T I T U D E S mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Effects of Foreign Language Proficiency on Public Attitudes: Evidence From the Chinese-Speaking World

Hu¹,

Liu²

2020

J. East Asian Stud.

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“…Laws and regulations about language that favour one language over others or directly discriminate against the use of certain languages may interfere with positive intergroup relations. A struggle to protect a group’s ancestral language from demise via state-level policies has been a pivotal issue for many indigenous groups around the world who typically represent a numerical ethnic minority in their countries and, therefore, may face the peril of forced cultural assimilation (e.g., Droogendyk & Wright, 2017; Medeiros, 2017). Therefore, endorsement of government policies aimed at facilitating a group’s language at the expense of other languages is an essential case for the study of identity-based social mobilization, especially in societies that are confronted with the issue of managing multi-ethnic diversity (e.g., Droogendyk & Wright, 2017; van der Linden & Roets, 2017).…”

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confidence: 99%

National identity and beliefs about historical linguicide are associated with support for exclusive language policies among the Ukrainian linguistic majority

Chayinska

Kende

Wohl

2021

Group Processes & Intergroup Relations

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We examined the idea that endorsement of state-level restrictive language policies can be understood as an ingroup-preserving behaviour driven by majority group members’ experiences of linguistic-based collective angst (i.e., concern about the future vitality of the ingroup’s language). We did so in the context of legislative reform aimed to enforce monolinguistic public education in Ukraine – a linguistically heterogeneous nation-state with a history of a foreign ethno-political domination. Specifically, we hypothesized that collective angst is most likely to be experienced when majority group members feel higher attachment to Ukraine (vs. glorification) and shared beliefs about historical linguicide of the Ukrainian language. Using data from a public opinion survey ( N = 774), we found support for the mediation model – higher attachment and beliefs about historical linguicide predicted increased support for restrictive policies directly and through collective angst, whereas glorification was found to be a non-significant predictor in this relation. Our results highlight the role of the specific content of protagonists’ social identities in predicting their support for cultural assimilation of ethnic minority groups within heterogeneous societies.

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“…Scholars have mostly explored these elements as independent variables. Several survey-based studies assess the impact of these factors on people's attitudes toward independence (Burg, 2015;Serrano, 2013;Medeiros, 2017;Muñoz and Tormos, 2015). Others have treated them as objective or material conditions for a secessionist movement to appear and grow (Muro and Griffiths, 2020;Sorens, 2008Sorens, , 2012.…”

Section: Framing Territory: Describing and Explaining Party Claimsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Regional-level conditions are the first independent variables that might affect framing strategies. We know that culturally differentiated regions are more prone to develop nationalist movements, and that identity is a driver of secessionism at the individual level (Burg, 2015; Medeiros, 2017; Serrano, 2013). Therefore, as strategic actors – which take advantage of the objective “material” existing out there to frame their position –, we can expect parties from culturally distinct regions to exploit their distinctiveness when making their case for constitutional change.…”

Section: Theoretical Framework and Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Identity, money, or governance? Explaining secessionist parties’ rhetorical strategies

Ferreira

2022

Party Politics

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Under what conditions do secessionist parties advance identity, socioeconomic or political frames for constitutional change? By performing a Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) of 93 party manifestos from six Western regions, the results identify a key variable that plays an important role in rhetorical strategies: the governmental status of the party. In linguistically distinctive regions, parties tend to put forward identity frames when in opposition. Instead, being in office is a condition for framing their position in socioeconomic terms. The results concerning political frames are highly complex, although patterns around office holding have also been identified. Hence, the present article shows that office-seeking strategies imply a fundamental change in how these parties frame their claims. Minority nationalist parties take the opportunity of being in office to enhance their credibility as governing parties by downplaying identity issues in favour of a more inclusive and policy-oriented appeal.

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Refining the Influence of Language on National Attachment: Exploring Linguistic Threat Perceptions in Quebec

Cited by 12 publications

References 15 publications

The Effects of Foreign Language Proficiency on Public Attitudes: Evidence From the Chinese-Speaking World

The Effects of Foreign Language Proficiency on Public Attitudes: Evidence From the Chinese-Speaking World

National identity and beliefs about historical linguicide are associated with support for exclusive language policies among the Ukrainian linguistic majority

Identity, money, or governance? Explaining secessionist parties’ rhetorical strategies

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