Rebellion in Chiapas: insurrection by Internet and public relations

Knudson, Jerry W.

doi:10.1177/016344398020003009

Cited by 29 publications

(22 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…Rather, they are contexts of action that mutually affect each other without being absorbed within each other according to any hierarchical order. Despite government efforts to circumscribe their action to rural areas in south-western Mexico, Zapatista rebels in Chiapas have used media technologies and charismatic leadership to take their rebellion to a global level of awareness (Knudson 1998). This example illustrates how a local issue can reach a global audience at the expense of national control.…”

Section: G/ocalisation As a Theoretical Matrix Of Contexts Of Actionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Glocalisation

Kraidy

2003

Journal of International Communication

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Section: G/ocalisation As a Theoretical Matrix Of Contexts Of Actionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Glocalisation

Kraidy

2003

Journal of International Communication

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“…The Zapatistas converted their struggle from one that concerns only a few people in one of the most marginalized areas of Mexico to one that attracts international attention and support. This provides an example of how technology facilitates the expansion of scope and by doing so changes the political outcomes by placing a constraint on the Mexican government (Knudson 1998).…”

Section: S C H a T T S C H N E I D E R I N T H E I N F O R M A T I O mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Contagiousness of Conflict: E.E. Schattschneider as a theorist of the information society

Brown¹

2002

Information, Communication & Society

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A b s t r a c tElmer Eric Schattschneider was one of the most distinguished US political scientists of his day but beyond an isolated footnote, his work rarely receives much attention today. This paper suggests that there is much in Schattschneider's work that deserves renewed attention. In 1960, Schattschneider published The Semisovereign People, a study of the transformation of US politics from a set of regional hegemonies to a genuinely national political system. While this may seem arcane to students of the information society, The Semisovereign People actually offers a conceptual toolkit for understanding the way in which new information and communications technologies are changing the global political landscape. In an era of satellite television, the Internet and the mobile phone, Schattschneider's key concepts of scope, visibility and the socialization of con ict provide powerful insights into the politics of a globalizing world. E.E. Schattschneider thought he was writing a book about the nationalization of US politics in the middle of the twentieth century in fact what he actually wrote was a theory of political globalization. I N T R O D U C T I O NCompared with the volume of writing on the economics, sociology and culture of the information society, relatively little attention is given to its political implications. Authors tend to address the politics of the information society rather than how informationalization changes political life. This article argues that one way of understanding how politics is changed in a more transparent society can be found in the work of E. E. Schattschneider. Particularly in The Semisovereign People (1960), he explores the dynamics of politics in a shrinking world where publicity becomes a key weapon. While Schattschneider's concern was with the implications of the nationalization of US political life during the twentieth century, his key concepts of scope, visibility and the socialization of con ict are of even greater value in an era of satellite television, the Internet and the mobile phone. Schattschneider makes a trenchant case for the autonomy and importance of political activity both analytically and morally defending the claims of democracy and unmasking the limitations of contemporary politics. In doing this, he provides

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“…Given that the EZLN (Eje Â rcito Zapatista de la Liberacio Â n Nacional) did not set up a web-presence themselves (though their leader, Subcommondante Marcos, apparently used the Internet as a means to send and publicize his various communique Â s; Knudson, 1998) the signi® cant support they received globally is not that easy to explain. A mixture of potent symbolism, the collapse of the Cold War, and the particular character of Subcommondante Marcos, are all called to account for this.…”

Section: Finding a Voicementioning

confidence: 99%

“…8. Though this is not quite the case, as Jerry W. Knudson (1998) points out, for Marcos and his comrades were particularly adept at using both the fax and the Internet in the dramatization of their struggles against the Mexican government. 9.…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Finding a Voice: Minorities, Media and the Global Commons

Silverstone

2001

Emergences: Journal for the Study of Media & Composite Cult

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This is a paper about voices and spaces. It raises a number of questions about the capacity and consequences of minority groups to occupy what I want to call the global commons. It addresses the potential of the new, and the less than new, global media for the construction of sociality, for the creation of a minority, marginal, diasporic, presence, both locally and globally, in cultural and in political space.My argument is based on a number of presumptions. The ® rst is that the media must be central to any analysis of the global: that through the media the world, the globe, is re¯ected, refracted, represented, imagined, claimed and re¯ected upon. The media provide, as technologies and as cultural forces, 1 the infrastructure for the kind of connectivity that most of those who write on globalization as a new dimension in social relations focus upon: seeing globalization as the new, the latest, perhaps the last, twist in modernity's tail; one in which time and space are transformed as, indeed, is our capacity, in one or sense or another, to reach, and be reached by, the other. The media are, in this view, one of the principal links between the global and the local, whose interrelationships are themselves de® ned and rede® ned in the dialectics of the media's own representation of them.The second presumption is that the process of global and globalizing mediation is, in the broadest sense of the term, a political process, historically conditioned, sociologically contested, and driven by various contradictory longings and ambitions: for pro® t, for identity, for community. 2 The historical and sociological variations visible, but often ignored, in the march of the global, are, however, thoroughly analyzed by David Held and his co-authors (1999), who call the lie to those who see this politics as a singular one, and one especially that heralds the collapse of the nation-state. Indeed such a view requires, in its sensitivity to difference, the recognition that in this globalizing world the forces of, and for, nationhood, commerce, culture and social connection are not mutually reinforcive. And it is far from clear, as a result, how the various movements of`objects, signs and people across regions and intercontinental space ' (Held et al., 1999, p. 329) will play out; and what consequences they will have for the global, the national or the local citizen.Thirdly my argument presumes that those who claim a piece of this increasingly digital world, and a place in it, must contend powerfully with the other. For while there is a struggle to be waged to ® nd a voice in global media space and then to secure it, the bottom line of this cultural, political, effort is

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Rebellion in Chiapas: insurrection by Internet and public relations

Cited by 29 publications

References 2 publications

Glocalisation

Glocalisation

The Contagiousness of Conflict: E.E. Schattschneider as a theorist of the information society

Finding a Voice: Minorities, Media and the Global Commons

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