The current study addressed when in the course of stimulus processing, and in what brain areas, activity occurs that supports the interpretation of cues that signal the appropriateness of different and competing behaviors. Twelve subjects completed interleaved no-go-, pro-, and antitrials, whereas 64-channel electroencephalography was recorded. Principle component and distributed source analyses were used to evaluate the spatial distribution and time course of cortical activity supporting cue evaluation and response selection. By 158 ms poststimulus, visual cortex activity was lower for no-go trials than it was for both pro- and antitrials, consistent with an early sensory filter on the no-go cue. Prefrontal cortex (PFC) activity at 158 ms was highest during antitrials, consistent with this brain region's putative involvement in executive control. At 204 ms poststimulus, however, PFC activity was the same for pro- and antitrials, consistent with an ostensible role in response selection. PFC activity at 204 ms also was robustly inversely correlated (r = -0.75) with visual cortex activity on antitrials, perhaps indicating top-down modulation of early sensory processing that would decrease the probability of an error response. These data highlight how a distributed neural architecture supports the evaluation of stimuli and response choices.
Ever since US military failure in Vietnam led to claims that media bias had undermined the war effort, the subject of wartime relations between media, the military and government has rarely escaped academic scrutiny. During the Cold War, both US-and UK-based studies of wartime media-state relations tended to emphasize the consistency between media and government agendas (e.g. Glasgow University Media Group, 1985;Hallin, 1986). During the 1990s there appeared to be a change, and a plethora of accounts emerged claiming that technological developments and changed geopolitical circumstances surrounding the end of the Cold War had created a more independent media capable of shaping the foreign policies of Western governments (see for example Shaw, 1996;Volkmer, 1999). In addition, the sheer scale and resources of the contemporary news industry, across a spectrum of international outlets, has brought with it new risks of visibility for governments with 'bad news' getting out during war. 1 The events of 9/11, however, and the subsequent 'war on terror' appear to many, including the authors
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