Reactions to the Imputation of Prejudice

Abstract

In this research, I examined how people deal with imputations of racial prejudice. In one experiment, I explored participants' reaction to hypothetical imputations, and in one experiment, I explored participants' reactions to imputations from ostensibly real people. Results indicate that Whites are keenly concerned about other peoples' perceptions of their racial attitudes, especially when those other people are Black. Results also illuminate Whites' perceptions of Blacks' perceptions of prejudice. Participants proposed ways they could and would attempt to change another person's impressions of their racial attitudes. In Experiment 2, participants were accused of being a racist by (ostensibly) another participant and given the opportunity to engage in attempts to change the other participant's impressions of their racial attitudes. The most common action was direct denial (e.g., "I'm not racist"). Also somewhat common was innocence by association (e.g., "I have Black friends"). I present implications and suggestions for future research.

The Upside of Acknowledging Prejudiced Behavior

“…Finally, in two experiments we found evidence that the reason acknowledging causes people to form a more positive evaluations of character than denying does is because acknowledging signals more of a learning orientation than denying does. Thus, while research shows that people often deny prejudice (e.g., Czopp et al, 2006;Winslow et al, 2004), our work reveals the upside of doing just the opposite.…”

“…Celebrities, politicians, and other public figures are notorious for their denials, and yet, people not in the public eye also deny prejudice frequently. For example, when participants in studies are confronted for making racially prejudiced statements, most respond by denying that race affected their behavior, denying they are a racist person, or with hostility (Czopp et al, 2006; see also Czopp & Monteith, 2003;Winslow, 2004). Here, we define acknowledging prejudice as a verbal response to confrontation that recognizes one's behavior was influenced by bias.…”

“…Drawing on this theoretical background, we examined how members of both high and low status groups perceived someone who either acknowledged or denied engaging in prejudiced behavior. Because White people overwhelmingly deny prejudice when confronted for their own behavior (e.g., Czopp et al, 2006;Czopp & Monteith, 2003;Winslow, 2004), we initially predicted that Whites would perceive a White person who denied prejudice as acting more appropriately than someone who acknowledged. In addition, we predicted that Whites would make more favorable inferences about the character of someone who denied than someone who acknowledged following a confrontation.…”

Looking through the eyes of the powerful

“…power and metastereotyping 4 will behave more benevolent toward them than when we think they do not (see also Kamans, Gordijn, Oldenhuis, & Otten, 2008;Sigelman & Tuch, 1997;Winslow, 2004).…”

Showcasing and subjugating minorities and women: Assignment to visible but trivial committees

“…People's private personal values refl ect the internal motivation to not be prejudiced, while publicly expressed attitudes refl ect the external motivation to not be perceived as prejudiced. Numerous studies suggest that the external motivation to respond without prejudice is powerful (Bradley-Geist, King, Skorinko, Hebl, & McKenna, 2010;O'Brien et al, 2010;Shelton, 2003;Winslow, 2004) and that external motivations can preclude private attitudes. Van Boven (2000), for example, found that situational pressure to appear unprejudiced led people to publicly praise and support politically correct programs such as affi rmative action despite holding diff erent private thoughts and feelings.…”