Police redistricting reforms are surprisingly understudied. While many understand redistricting in other realms as a mechanism of social inclusion and exclusion, police redistricting is often overlooked as merely technocratic. We argue that, in fact, police redistricting reforms are substantively and theoretically important because they articulate urban policy amid the pressures of neoliberal governance. Redistricting defines the functions and activities of the police, responds to political and economic pressures, and redistributes resources across racial spaces. To illustrate, we analyze publicly available materials describing 43 police redistricting reforms in 35 major cities in the United States. We find in these reforms an enduring emphasis on the role of the police as emergency service providers. Urban austerity and growth politics inflect redistricting and impact the distribution of police service across the city. While redistricting can theoretically result in more equitable policing, it can also amplify racial inequities by triaging resources toward downtowns and predominantly white neighborhoods, at the expense of police response in communities of color. We call for more attention to police redistricting as an arena of urban governance.
| INTRODUCTIONPolice executives periodically redraw the boundaries of the mid-level geographic divisions of police districts or precincts. This process of redistricting defines a consequential administrative subunit that structures the delivery of police services across the city (Hassell, 2006). Redistricting also crafts work environments that can cultivate distinct systems of policing, as officers develop normative expectations and practices based on the specific social environments of their districts (Klinger, 1997). Districts are becoming even more important as strategic innovations like community policing encourage organizational decentralization, pushing additional decision-making power down to the level of district leadership (Skogan, 2006).