Quando velhos atores saem de cena: a ascensão da nova direita política no Brasil

Santos, Fabiano; Tanscheit, Talita

doi:10.7440/colombiaint99.2019.06

Cited by 41 publications

(31 citation statements)

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“…Making extensive use of social media and presenting himself as a representative of the global rise of rightwing populism, Bolsonaro was elected with almost 57.8 million votes in 2018 (against 47 million votes of his main opponent). His rise to office took place in a polarized context, marked by persistent political instability, including massive street demonstrations since 2013 (Galvão and Tatagiba 2017; Mendonça 2018), the contestation of electoral results in 2014, massive corruption scandals challenging the legitimacy of political institutions, the controversial impeachment of former President Dilma Rousseff in 2016, and the short-lived term of the extremely unpopular Michel Temer, who had an approval rate of just 3 percent in 2017 (Nunes and Melo 2017; Santos and Tanscheit 2019). All of this was followed by the conviction and subsequent ineligibility and imprisonment of former president (and major Bolsonaro adversary) Lula da Silva in 2018.…”

Section: Case Study and Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Populism as Parody: The Visual Self-Presentation of Jair Bolsonaro on Instagram

Mendonça

Caetano

2020

The International Journal of Press/Politics

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This study analyzes the visual self-representation of current Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, who is considered to be one of the exponents of the recent rise of rightwing neopopulism. Despite the growing body of literature analyzing contemporary populism, little has been said about the deployment of images in the construction of public meanings relevant to popular understandings of populist leaders. This research draws from the social media analysis of Casullo to investigate how the images posted on Bolsonaro’s Instagram account show him (1) as a mirror of the people, (2) someone extraordinary, and (3) quick to appropriate symbols of power. Referencing the work of Butler, we document how the visual self-representation of Bolsonaro is marked by eccentricity and unsophistication, which makes his demeanor, body, and appropriation of institutional power function as a series of parodies. His performance hyperbolizes the transgressive aspect of populism, producing a vertiginous and pleasurable ambiguity toward the figure of the leader. In emptying the presidency from its extraordinary dimension, the parody paradoxically does something extraordinary by reestablishing the distance that it seeks to eliminate. His eccentric rejection of basic social standards, over-the-top masculinity, and impromptu use of everyday objects as props work to construct an image that he is just an ordinary man, extraordinarily occupying the presidency.

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Section: Case Study and Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Populism as Parody: The Visual Self-Presentation of Jair Bolsonaro on Instagram

Mendonça

Caetano

2020

The International Journal of Press/Politics

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“…On the one hand, with the election of Bolsonaro in 2018 the polarization between the Workers' Party (PT) and the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB)-that structured the system since the return to democracy-came to an end (Santos and Tanscheit, 2019). On the other hand, it resulted in a significant loss of representation in the National Congress for the PT, the PSDB and the Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB), the three real existing parties in the last three decades in Brazil (Singer, 2018).…”

Section: Jair Bolsonaro and The Rise Of The Brazilian Populist Radical Rightmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Last but not least, the massive corruption scandal known as Lava Jato (Car Wash Operation) and a prolonged economic crisis were, as well, relevant political events. As Santos and Tanscheit (2019) pointed out these events resulted in the collapse of the traditional and more moderate right-wing, which was replaced by a populist radical right led by Jair Bolsonaro. Indeed, the PSL not only won the presidential race, but elected the second largest parliamentary group, replacing the PSDB as the main party of the right in the country.…”

Section: Jair Bolsonaro and The Rise Of The Brazilian Populist Radical Rightmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Bolsonaro gained the presidency obtaining more that 46 percent of the vote in the first round and the 55,1 in the second. Surprisingly, besides the phenomenon of the rise of Bolsonaro being the object of different studies, (see Hunter and Power, 2019;Santos and Tanscheit, 2019;Rennó, 2020;Leyton et. al., 2021;Setzler, 2021), it has not been analyzed in a comparative perspective.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Assessing the fourth wave of the populist radical right: Jair Bolsonaro’s voters in comparative perspective

Zanotti¹,

Rama²,

Tanscheit³

2021

Preprint

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The determinants of the vote for the populist radical right (PRR) have been thoroughly studied especially in Western and Eastern Europe. However, the PRR has become a global phenomenon. At this point, comparative studies are essential in order to advance in the understanding of the success of this party family. For this reason, in this paper, we analyze the individual factors that help to understand the support for Jair Bolsonaro in the last 2018 Presidential elections in Brazil at the light of the findings for the PRR in Western Europe. The aim is twofold. First, we contribute to the comparative literature on the determinants for the vote for the PRR in a non-European country. Second, we also assess, if any, the peculiarity of the vote for the PRR in Latin America and specifically in the Brazilian case. In order to carry on our analysis, we used the European Election Studies (EES) dataset for Western European parties and data from the Estudio Electoral Brasileño for Brazil (ESEB). The main results show that religion (evangelists), race (white), income (high), and, above all, negative views of the main opposition party (Partido dos Trabalhadores [PT] – Worker’s Party), i.e., antipetismo, are the main reasons to understand the vote for Bolsonaro in the 2018 Presidential elections.

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“…No Brasil, as manifestações de junho de 2013 têm sido consideradas como um ponto de inflexão a partir do qual as novas direitas ganharam força (Abreu;Allegretti, 2016;Almeida, 2019;Bringel, 2020). Depois disso, uma série de eventos contribuiu para à ascensão das novas direitas, tais como: a operação Lava Jato, 2 um conjunto de manifestações nacionais, iniciadas em março de 2015, que conclamaram a deposição da presidenta Dilma Rousseff; o impeachment que destituiu a ex-presidenta do 1 2 poder e levou o então vice-presidente Michel Temer ao cargo mais alto do executivo nacional, em 2016; a eleição de Jair Bolsonaro para a presidência da república, em 2018 (Abreu;Allegretti, 2016;Almeida, 2019;Bringel, 2020;Santos;Tanscheit, 2019). Com maior ou menor clareza conceitual, o termo "novas direitas" 3 tem sido utilizado no Brasil em referência a um fenômeno multifacetado e a grupos heterogêneos com princípios e valores conservadores diversos, mas que têm como traço comum o antipetismo (anti Partido dos Trabalhadores -PT), e que ganharam força política nacional nos últimos anos.…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

MOVIMENTOS SOCIAIS POPULARES EM TEMPOS DE ASCENSÃO DAS NOVAS DIREITAS: a Marcha das Margaridas

Teixeira

2021

Cad CRH

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O artigo analisa a Marcha das Margaridas, uma mobilização feminista realizada no Brasil sob a liderança das mulheres do campo, da floresta e das águas, nos anos de 2015 e 2019, considerado o tempo de ascensão das novas direitas. A Marcha é organizada pelas mulheres do Movimento Sindical de Trabalhadores e Trabalhadoras Rurais, em aliança com outros movimentos sociais, centrais sindicais e organizações internacionais. Adota-se uma abordagem teórica que considera a atuação dos movimentos sociais por meio dos conceitos de ações de reprodução social e formas de ação coletivas. Isso significa analisar a Marcha para além de suas expressões mais visíveis – uma grande marcha na cidade de Brasília e as negociações com agentes estatais (formas de ação coletiva). A mobilização envolve também um longo processo de organização, formação e política de alianças com outros atores sociais (ações de reprodução social). Argumenta-se que analisá-las de maneira interdependente e vis-à-vis à estrutura de oportunidades políticas no tempo de ascensão das novas direitas aumenta a capacidade de compreensão de como movimentos sociais populares atuaram considerando o novo contexto.SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN TIMES OF THE RISE OF THE NEW RIGHT: the Marcha das Margaridas This article analyses the Marcha das Margaridas, a feminist mobilisation spearheaded by women from the Brazilian Union of Rural Workers in alliance with other social movements, trade unions, and international organisations in the years 2015 and 2019 – considered to be the time of the rise of the new right. From a theoretical approach that regard the performance of social movements based on the concepts of actions of social reproduction and forms of collective action, we analyse the Marcha beyond its most visible expression – that is, a large street protest in the city of Brasilia, and the negotiations with state agents (forms of collective action). Rather, we understand this movement as also involving a long process of organisation, mobilisation, political formation activities, and politics of alliances with other social actors (actions of social reproduction). By analysing them interdependently and vis-à-vis the political opportunity structures at the time of the rise of the new right, we will better understand how social movements acted considering the new context.Keywords: Social Movements. New Rights. Collective Actions. Social Reproduction Actions. Marcha das Margaridas.LES MOUVEMENTS SOCIAUX POPULAIRES FACE A LA MONTEE DE LA NOUVELLE DROITE: la Marcha das Margaridas L’article analyse la Marcha dasMargaridas, une mobilisation féministe qui a eu lieu au Brésil entre 2015 et 2019, période considéré comme celle de la montée de la nouvelle droite brésilienne. Dirigée par des femmes qui se réclament défenseuses de la campagne, des forêts et des eaux, la Marcha était organisée par des femmes du Mouvement Syndical des Travailleuses et Travailleurs Ruraux, en alliance avec d’autres mouvements sociaux, des centrales syndicales et des organisations internationales. L’approche théorique propose une analyse à partir du concept de “actions de reproduction sociale” et de “répertoires d’action collective”. Cela signifie qu’il faut analyser la Marcha au-delà de son expression la plus visible, à savoir, une grande marche à Brasília accompagnée des négociations avec les agents de l’État (répertoire d’action collective). La Marcha implique également un long processus d’organisation, de rassemblement, de formation et des politiques d’alliances avec d’autres acteurs sociaux (actions de reproduction sociale). Analyser ces éléments de manière interdépendante en fonction de la structure des opportunités politiques, et dans la période de montée de la nouvelle droite brésilienne, nous aide à mieux comprendre comment les mouvements sociaux populaires ont agi dans ce nouveau contexte. Mots-clés: Mouvements Sociaux. Nouvelle Droite. Repertoires D’action Collectives. Actions De Reproduction Sociale. Marcha Dasmargaridas.

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Quando velhos atores saem de cena: a ascensão da nova direita política no Brasil

Cited by 41 publications

References 25 publications

Populism as Parody: The Visual Self-Presentation of Jair Bolsonaro on Instagram

Populism as Parody: The Visual Self-Presentation of Jair Bolsonaro on Instagram

Assessing the fourth wave of the populist radical right: Jair Bolsonaro’s voters in comparative perspective

MOVIMENTOS SOCIAIS POPULARES EM TEMPOS DE ASCENSÃO DAS NOVAS DIREITAS: a Marcha das Margaridas

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