QIZs, FTAs, USAID and the MEFTA: A Political Economy of Acronyms

Moore, Pete W.

doi:10.2307/1559364

Cited by 21 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…We can also think about how certain economic paradigms remain unchallenged across cases and why. Free trade zones, for example, seem to be diffusing across the region, creating spaces in which “normal” legal codes are not applicable (Moore 2005; also Ong 2000). What are the precise ways in which economic dimensions of grievances are being shut out of the debates about “transitions” (Amar 2011)?…”

Section: Diffusionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings

Schwedler

2013

APSC

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Analyses of the spread of the Arab uprisings have been dominated by three comparative angles. Single-country studies have emerged as the most common framework, often put to use in a second comparative approach of examining variation across cases. For example, studies explore which states have had major uprisings and which have not, which uprisings were peaceful and which were violent, and so on (Amar and Prashad 2013; Haddad, Bsheer, and Abu-Rish 2012; McMurray and Ufheil-Somers 2013; Sowers and Toensing 2013). A third approach explores comparisons with other waves of popular mobilization against authoritarian regimes, for example, in Europe during the mid-nineteenth century, Eastern Europe following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, and so on (Patel, Bunce, and Wolchik 2013 Weyland 2012). These literatures investigate the complex processes of mobilization, revolution, and transition unfolding in parts of the Middle East since the outbreak of the uprisings in late 2010. From the literature on revolutions, for example, we know that a popularly based movement that brings about some change in political leadership does not necessarily lead to a regime change resulting in a fundamental overturning of an economic, political, or social system. From past cases we have learned that at least some old institutions and alliances almost always reemerge, and what form the new institution will take eventually is often unknown for several years—for example, think of the Iranian revolution, let alone the French revolution. As events in postrevolutionary Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, and Yemen continue to unfold—and it is questionable whether those revolutions are even over—and as the bloody civil war in Syria continues, these insights provide us with useful tools for examining how institutions, processes, and power relations are changing—and how they are not.

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Section: Diffusionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings

Schwedler

2013

APSC

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“…The QIZs are manufacturing parks in which goods produced are ideally made, packaged, and transported with a prescribed percentage of Jordanian, Israeli, and Palestinian input. Goods made in the QIZs enjoy certain exemptions of both customs and labour laws (Moore ). ASEZ is a duty‐free zone that now encompasses a wide swath of southern Jordan, including the Wadi Araba and the Wadi Rum Nature Reserve and its environs.…”

Section: Dislocation In the Spaces Of Jordan's New Economymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Through connections to the monarchy, elites and foreigners own the largest stakes in the QIZs and most labour is cheaply obtained in foreign workers from South East Asia. Regulations for percentages of input for goods and transport are rarely followed (Moore ). Meanwhile the QIZs stem from a peace treaty with Israel that grows more unpopular with each moment that passes further from the dead Oslo process.…”

Section: Dislocation In the Spaces Of Jordan's New Economymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Advertising proclaiming ‘Let the Shopping Begin!’ once surrounded Abdali's construction zone (Daher ). Jordanians overall, however, have not seen real wage increases in line with the rate of inflation in nearly three decades (Moore ), and despite the rhetorical connections between development and democracy, government and elite interests have only grown closer and more interdependent, strengthening authoritarian structures (Moore ).…”

Section: Dislocation In the Spaces Of Jordan's New Economymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Hashemite Antiquity and Modernity: Iconography in Neoliberal Jordan

Corbett

2011

Studies Ethnicity & National

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Owing to a range of economic policies and internal and external political relations, King Abdullah II of Jordan has a charisma problem. The ongoing political upheaval in the country began with his dissolution of Parliament in late 2009, in the absence of which he and his ministers promulgated a series of Temporary Laws to push policies that Parliament would not abide. Since then, there has been an election, an array of sackings and reshufflings of various officials, and promises of reform, all in an attempt to mitigate this personal charisma deficit and control the growing and increasingly vehement mobilisation against unpopular policies. Since the king assumed the throne in 1999, visual cues, including giant flags, slogans, ad campaigns, and images of the monarch have been deployed to the same end. This article discusses a different kind of visual cue, Amman's public park known as the King Hussein Gardens, and specifically its component known as the Historical Passageway. The Passageway is a nearly half-kilometre long monument addingfor the first time -a comprehensive view of Jordan's archaeological past to its modern history. In doing so, novel nuances are meant to become part of a complex national narrative that the Hashemite monarchs have developed and tweaked since the days of the Mandate.

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“…Graduated sovereignty is not therefore only about new boundaries per se, but is a complex and uneven experience of selective boundary crossings, subjectivities and exclusions. Graduated sovereignty has a long vintage in export processing zones (EPZs), first promoted in the 1950s by USAID and since pursued (with varying levels of success) extensively in east and southeast Asia, the Middle East, the Americas and the Caribbean (Moore, 2005). The increased number, range and scope of EPZs lead Robinson (2003) to argue that: processes of uneven accumulation are unfolding in accordance with a social and not a national logic, and that we may rethink development not as a national process, in which it 'develops' as a nation, but in terms of developed, underdeveloped, and intermediate population groups occupying contradictory or unstable locations in a transnational environment.…”

Section: The Decline Of Third Worldismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Spaces of postdevelopment

Sidaway

2007

Progress in Human Geography

136

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This paper reviews writings about postdevelopment. It argues that critical scrutiny of the contemporary reconfiguring of postcolonial sovereignties provides a productive route to rethink the geographies of development and postdevelopment. The relationship of development narratives to reconfigurations of imperialism and postcolonialism produces a complex geography of development and postdevelopment that defies neat summary, but which demands more sustained attention to the interactions of enclosure, boundaries and subjectivities.

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QIZs, FTAs, USAID and the MEFTA: A Political Economy of Acronyms

Cited by 21 publications

References 0 publications

Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings

Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings

Hashemite Antiquity and Modernity: Iconography in Neoliberal Jordan

Spaces of postdevelopment

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