Putin and Post-Soviet Identity: <i>Building Blocks and Buzz Words</i>

Godzimirski, Jakub M.

doi:10.2753/ppc1075-8216550502

Cited by 13 publications

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“…69 It was put to use in identity building. 70 Shevel 71 and Blakkisrud 72 hold that the Kremlin remained intentionally vague in defining "the nation" to keep space for the maneuver. Indeed, "tolerance" proved to be a convenient tool-precisely due to its vagueness.…”

Section: Ethnocultural Diversity and Identity-buildingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Becoming (In)tolerant: Vicissitudes of a Political Term in Russia, 2000-2020

Sarkisyan

2022

Russ. Polit.

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This article explores the role of the term “tolerance” in Russian presidential discourse, 2000-2020. The word became de-politicized (used equally in liberal and in conservative contexts), functioning as a buzzword and as a symbol. As a buzzword, it stood “for all good things” and denoted the positive dynamics in Russia’s nationalities and foreign policies; as a symbol, it served as a building block in constructing national identity. The use of “tolerance” also indicated the Kremlin’s firm belief in the normative power of words and ideas: that “tolerance” can change public attitudes and shape institutional design. However, the word’s conflicting semantics prompted the Kremlin to remove the term abruptly in 2013 against the background of the unfolding conservative turn. This study examines the zigzags of ideational governance in Putin’s Russia.

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Section: Ethnocultural Diversity and Identity-buildingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Becoming (In)tolerant: Vicissitudes of a Political Term in Russia, 2000-2020

Sarkisyan

2022

Russ. Polit.

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“…Dominance in the post-Soviet space is also an important element of national identity building in Russia (Godzimirski 2008). Aliaksei Kazharski (2019) observed that Russian notions of the "self" revolved around the image of a supranational entity that would be equal in status to the collective "West."…”

Section: Russian Incentives To Dominate the Post-soviet Regionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Russia, Post-Soviet Integration, and the EAEU: The Balance between Domination and Cooperation

Бусыгина

Филиппов

2020

Problems of Post-Communism

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The Russian leadership promotes a vision of a multipolar world where major powers must have their own "zones of influence." This implies that other "great powers" have to recognize Moscow's sphere of dominance over the post-Soviet realm. It also makes Russia's neighbors increasingly reluctant to delegate their sovereignty to institutions of regional integration, as those are likely to become instruments of Russian domination. As the partners do not trust Russia, they insist on a limited character of integration projects. Russia is more likely to be successful in using asymmetric bilateral bargains rather than multilateral institutions to dominate the post-Soviet region.

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“…The symbols that were adopted by Putin – the Soviet anthem but with new words, the coat of arms from the pre-imperial era and the flag from the imperial period – demonstrated that he recognised ‘the complexity of the Russian historical experience and the need to seek inspiration from the entire Russian past’ (Godzimirski, 2008, p. 26). They sit well within a narrative of national unity and stability.…”

Section: The Narrative Parts Of Putinismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Public Political Narratives: Developing a Neglected Source through the Exploratory Case of Russia in the Putin-Medvedev Era

Bacon

2012

Political Studies

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The place of narrative in political science is an issue that resurfaces with regularity, usually focusing on the questions of generalisability, evidence and causality which lie at the heart of the discipline. Most such debate concerns the use of narrative by political scientists. Far less attention has been devoted to the use of narrative by political actors, despite its relative ubiquity. Even where such attention has been given, it concentrates less on the narrative per se, and more on its performance and impact. However, the nature of public political narratives means that analysis of them facilitates a holistic understanding of their narrators' politics. A public political narrative consists of a sequential account given by political actors connecting selected, specific developments so as to impose a desired order on them. Taking contemporary Russia as an exploratory case, narrative analysis draws out the motivations, world view and inconsistencies within the Putin‐Medvedev regime. Recurring motifs and symbols identify the regime's political priorities, explaining policy choices and revealing future concerns. Narrative has a predictive aspect, identifying likely policy responses to unexpected events. Narratives capture time, and shifts in their temporalities indicate changes in self‐conceptualisation and political priorities. Temporal appropriations include or exclude particular agential and causal explanations. The relationship between their plots and subplots represents a political signalling process. Public political narratives provide temporally and spatially specific exceptionalist accounts, but their combinatory quality also facilitates comparative analysis. The approach essayed here provides methodological generalisability, arguing that the neglect of public political narratives merits correcting.

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Putin and Post-Soviet Identity: Building Blocks and Buzz Words

Cited by 13 publications

References 0 publications

Becoming (In)tolerant: Vicissitudes of a Political Term in Russia, 2000-2020

Becoming (In)tolerant: Vicissitudes of a Political Term in Russia, 2000-2020

Russia, Post-Soviet Integration, and the EAEU: The Balance between Domination and Cooperation

Public Political Narratives: Developing a Neglected Source through the Exploratory Case of Russia in the Putin-Medvedev Era

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