Production and perception of Taiwanese tones in different tonal and prosodic contexts

Peng, Shu-hui

doi:10.1006/jpho.1997.0047

Cited by 78 publications

(52 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Detailed acoustic studies of tonal coarticulation can be found for SC [Ho, 1976;Shih, 1988;Shen, 1990;Xu, 1994Xu, , 1997Xu, , 1999Xu, , 2001, Taiwanese [Cheng, 1968;Lin, 1988;Peng, 1997], Vietnamese [Han and Kim, 1974;Brunelle, 2003Brunelle, , 2009, and Thai [Abramson, 1979;Gandour et al, 1992aGandour et al, , b, 1994Potisuk et al, 1997]. These studies have focused on the following questions regarding the properties of tonal coarticulation: (a) Is the direction of tonal coarticulation progressive or regressive?…”

Section: Tonal Coarticulationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Detailed acoustic studies of Chinese tone patterns, however, have primarily focused on Standard Chinese (SC) or the Beijing dialect on which SC is based with notably few exceptions [e.g., Taiwanese : Lin, 1988;Peng, 1997;Zhenhai: Rose, 1990; Tianjin: Shi, 1990; Shanghai: Zee and Maddieson, 1980;Zhu, 1999]. This study reports the acoustic patterns of tone in Tianjin Chinese, a dialect spoken in the city of Tianjin 65 miles to the southeast of Beijing.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Tonal coarticulation is relatively well studied cross-linguistically, and universal tendencies as well as language-specific properties have been identified. In particular, languages are known to share assimilatory progressive tonal coarticulation, whereby a tone partially assimilates to the preceding tone, and the effect of this coarticulation is relatively large, but languages differ with respect to the degree of regressive tonal coarticulation -the influence of a tone on the preceding tone -and whether this coarticulation is assimilatory or dissimilatory [SC: Ho, 1976;Shih, 1988;Shen, 1990;Xu, 1994Xu, , 1997Xu, , 1999Xu, , 2001Taiwanese: Cheng, 1968;Lin, 1988;Peng, 1997;Vietnamese: Han and Kim, 1974;Brunelle, 2003Brunelle, , 2009; Thai: Abramson, 1979;Gandour et al, 1992aGandour et al, , b, 1994Potisuk et al, 1997]. Another goal of this research is to situate Tianjin in the typology of tonal coarticulation and provide a further test to both the universal and language-specific properties of this phonetic phenomenon.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

Tone Sandhi and Tonal Coarticulation in Tianjin Chinese

Zhang¹,

Liu²

2011

Phonetica

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

We present in this article an acoustic study on tone sandhi and tonal coarticulation in Tianjin Chinese. Our results indicate that Tianjin tone sandhi is likely influenced by Standard Chinese and is undergoing a number of changes, causing variations and exceptions to the sandhi patterns, and the majority of the sandhis are non-neutralizing, contra traditional descriptions. Tonal coarticulation in Tianjin exhibits a number of well-known cross-linguistic properties: progressive assimilation, regressive dissimilation, a greater progressive effect, and a number of High/ Low asymmetries. Despite the dissimilatory properties observable from both tone sandhi and tonal coarticulation, they seem to have different characteristics, indicating different sources for the two processes.

show abstract

Section: Tonal Coarticulationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Tone Sandhi and Tonal Coarticulation in Tianjin Chinese

Zhang¹,

Liu²

2011

Phonetica

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…These observations have been made in various forms in Cheng (1973), Yip (1980), , Tsay (2001), andLin (2004). Notice that we have treated the "2" in "21" and the "3" in "33" as identical "Mid" tones here, as acoustic studies have shown that the mid level and low falling tones in Taiwanese start from the same pitch (Lin 1988, Peng 1997. Hence, the insertion of a High tone at the right edge of these tones renders identical 35's.…”

Section: Constraints and Constraint Interactionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Given that nonfinal syllables are shorter than the final syllable due to the lack of final lengthening, and the tone sandhi in question occurs on nonfinal syllables, the sandhi that changes a shorter tone to a longer tone may be less productive. Based on phonetic data from Lin (1988) and Peng (1997), the 51 55 sandhi is one such process. This point has also been explicitly made in Zhang et al (2006).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Two aspects of productivity in Taiwanese Double Reduplication

Zhang¹,

Lai²

2007

Kansas Working Papers in Linguistics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Monosyllabic adjectives can undergo double reduplication in Taiwanese to mark intensification. We argue in this paper that the phonological analysis for the tonal patterns of Taiwanese double reduplication relies on three elements: a floating High tone that prefers to dock onto the left edge of the output, tonal correspondence between the two reduplicants, and the lexical listing of the sandhi tones as part of the non-XP-final allomorphs of existing syllables. We support the analysis with an acoustic experiment and a psycholinguistic "wug"-test experiment in Taiwanese, which showed that (a) the floating High tone appears as early as possible in real doubly reduplicated forms; (b) the tonal allomorphy is not productive in non-existing words; and (c) the floating High docking is productive in non-existing words. The analysis echoes the "allomorph selection" hypothesis of Taiwanese tone sandhi by Tsay and Myers (1996) and the "twostage" hypothesis of Taiwanese double reduplication by Myers and Tsay (2001).Keywords: tone sandhi, Taiwanese, reduplication, double reduplication, "wug" test IntroductionAs a widely attested phonological phenomenon in Chinese languages, tone sandhi refers to tonal alternations conditioned by adjacent tones or the prosodic or morpho-syntactic position in which the tone occurs (Chen 2000, among others). Taiwanese tone sandhi is typical of Southern Min dialects of Chinese in that it is positionally conditioned and the sandhi patterns are characterized by circular opacity: tones in non-XP-final positions undergo sandhi, and four out of the five tones in the tonal inventory are involved in a circular chain shift, as in (1).1 The XPfinal syllable preserves its tone. This "tone circle" pattern has been shown by earlier works to be generally unproductive when speakers were "wug"-tested (Berko 1958) with novel words (Hsieh 1970, 1975, 1976, Wang 1993, Zhang et al. 2006). This result is in line with other experimental * We are indebted to Jane Tsay and James Myers for their help throughout this project, particularly in providing us with a Taiwanese frequency corpus and hosting us at National Chung Cheng University in Chiayi, Taiwan for our data collection. We would also like to thank Paul Boersma and Mietta Lennes for helping us with Praat scripts and Craig Turnbull-Sailor for processing some of the data. All remaining errors are our own. This research is supported by an award from the University of Kansas General Research Funds in 2005-2006 (#2301760) and a research grant from the Chiang Ching-Kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange in 2006-2007. 1 In this paper, we are only concerned with unchecked syllables, which are syllables that are either open or closed with a sonorant coda. The five tones given in (1) reflect the tonal inventory of this type of syllables in Taiwanese. Checked syllables -syllables closed with a /// or /p, t, k/ -have a reduced tonal inventory (53 and 21) and different tone sandhi behaviors in regular polyllabic words and reduplications. Detailed de...

show abstract

Focus and Taiwanese Unchecked Tones

Pan¹

Studies in Linguistics and Philosophy

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Production and perception of Taiwanese tones in different tonal and prosodic contexts

Cited by 78 publications

References 0 publications

Tone Sandhi and Tonal Coarticulation in Tianjin Chinese

Tone Sandhi and Tonal Coarticulation in Tianjin Chinese

Two aspects of productivity in Taiwanese Double Reduplication

Focus and Taiwanese Unchecked Tones

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About