2011
DOI: 10.1159/000333387
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Tone Sandhi and Tonal Coarticulation in Tianjin Chinese

Abstract: We present in this article an acoustic study on tone sandhi and tonal coarticulation in Tianjin Chinese. Our results indicate that Tianjin tone sandhi is likely influenced by Standard Chinese and is undergoing a number of changes, causing variations and exceptions to the sandhi patterns, and the majority of the sandhis are non-neutralizing, contra traditional descriptions. Tonal coarticulation in Tianjin exhibits a number of well-known cross-linguistic properties: progressive assimilation, regressive dissimila… Show more

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Cited by 60 publications
(59 citation statements)
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“…This is consistent with the findings of previous productivity studies, which reveal that phonologically transparent patterns are more productive than phonologically opaque patterns (Zhang & Lai, 2010;Zhang & Liu, 2011;Zhang & Meng, 2016;among other). Psycholinguistic studies also show that underlying primes have a facilitation effect for transparent sandhi, such as Mandarin T3 sandhi; and surface primes have a greater facilitation effect than underlying primes in opaque and phonotactically discouraged sandhi, such as Taiwanese 51 → 55 sandhi (phonotactically 51 may occur in the non-phrase final position due to the 21 → 51 sandhi) (Chien, Sereno, & Zhang, 2016a;Chien, Sereno, & Zhang, 2016b).…”
Section: Comparison Between Shanghai and Wuxi Tone Sandhi Variationsupporting
confidence: 93%
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“…This is consistent with the findings of previous productivity studies, which reveal that phonologically transparent patterns are more productive than phonologically opaque patterns (Zhang & Lai, 2010;Zhang & Liu, 2011;Zhang & Meng, 2016;among other). Psycholinguistic studies also show that underlying primes have a facilitation effect for transparent sandhi, such as Mandarin T3 sandhi; and surface primes have a greater facilitation effect than underlying primes in opaque and phonotactically discouraged sandhi, such as Taiwanese 51 → 55 sandhi (phonotactically 51 may occur in the non-phrase final position due to the 21 → 51 sandhi) (Chien, Sereno, & Zhang, 2016a;Chien, Sereno, & Zhang, 2016b).…”
Section: Comparison Between Shanghai and Wuxi Tone Sandhi Variationsupporting
confidence: 93%
“…Zhang & Liu (2011) further confirmed the limited application of T4+T4 sandhi from 12 Tianjin speakers (average age: 34.3).…”
Section: Variation In Tone Sandhisupporting
confidence: 67%
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“…Acoustic data has recently become available (Zhang & Liu 2011, Wang & Lin 2017, showing that T1 has become 41 and the traditionally described T1+T1 rule in (1a) has been changed in current Tianjin speech to T1+T1àT2+T1. Since T1 has become 41, we use Chao number (21) instead of T1 to indicate the sandhi outputs of T3+T2 and T3 +T4 rules.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…(2) Two newly reported rules (Wee 2004, Zhang & Liu 2011 a. T3 + T2 à T1 + T2 cf. T3 + T2 à 21 + T2 (Wang & Lin 2017) b. T3 + T4 à T1 + T4 T3 + T4 à 21 + T4 Zhang & Liu (2011) and Li & Chen (2016) indicate that (1d) does not apply in disyllabic sequences.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%