2009
DOI: 10.2478/v10010-009-0029-z
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Processing Clitic Pronouns in Bulgarian — Evidence from Normal and Agrammatic Comprehension

Abstract: Clitic clusters display a complicated interaction of prosodic and syntactic properties which determines their word order and stress patterns. In Bulgarian, short pronouns appear as unstressed verbal enclitics in positive utterances. Proclitic negation attracts the pronouns and forms with them a prosodic unit stressed on the second syllable, the pronoun. Theoretical linguistics characterizes the behaviour of object clitics in terms of "non-trivial chains" (Bošković 2001) containing copies. The overt realisation… Show more

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Cited by 5 publications
(4 citation statements)
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“…Concerning the hosting site, Romance started out with a pre-/postverbal host position only (Wanner, 1987: 155) and it is in this inherited pre-/postverbal site that the Romance varieties subsequently hosted the cliticizing reflexive pronominals/markers. This inherited state also accounts for the differences in reflexive clitic placement between Romance and Slavic: unlike Romance, the Slavic varieties inherited both a Wackernagel and a pre-/postverbal host position for pronominal clitics and exploited them in different ways (Wackernagel position in bcms, pre-/ postverbal in Bulgarian, postverbal in Russian -sja/-s'; see Pancheva, 2005;Kuehnast, 2009;Franks, 2010).…”
Section: Romance Samplementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Concerning the hosting site, Romance started out with a pre-/postverbal host position only (Wanner, 1987: 155) and it is in this inherited pre-/postverbal site that the Romance varieties subsequently hosted the cliticizing reflexive pronominals/markers. This inherited state also accounts for the differences in reflexive clitic placement between Romance and Slavic: unlike Romance, the Slavic varieties inherited both a Wackernagel and a pre-/postverbal host position for pronominal clitics and exploited them in different ways (Wackernagel position in bcms, pre-/ postverbal in Bulgarian, postverbal in Russian -sja/-s'; see Pancheva, 2005;Kuehnast, 2009;Franks, 2010).…”
Section: Romance Samplementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Every Bulgarian verb is lexically specified as perfective or imperfective, the aspectual property being transparently encoded in the derivational and inflectional structure of the verb (Maslov, 1981). Besides a small number of simplex forms, perfective verbs are derived by means of derivational affixes, while secondary imperfective forms are derived by means of inflectional suffixes (for an extended discussion of the derivation-inflection divide see Kuehnast (2003)). Lexically perfective and imperfective verbs can be used in all tenses, except for perfective verbs in present tense.…”
Section: Storytelling and Retelling In Bulgarianmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Each FDSL conference features several talks that present psycholinguistic experiments on Slavic languages. For example, between FDSL-4 (2001) and FDSL-11 (2015), there were talks on negation and aspect in Bulgarian (Kühnast 2003), superiority effects and wh-questions in Russian (Meyer 2002), prosody and focus in Bulgarian (Oliver and Andreeva 2004), grammatical gender in Czech (Bordag 2008) and Russian (Sekerina 2008), relative clause attachment ambiguity in Russian (Fedorova et al 2007), and neg-raising in Slovenian (Dočekal and Dotlačil 2015), just to name a few. Moreover, the three recent FDSL conferences hosted special psycholinguistic workshops on heritage Slavic languages (FDSL-10 in 2013 in Leipzig), first language acquisition of Slavic languages (FDSL-11 in 2015 in Potsdam), and on experimental semantics and pragmatics (FDSL-12 in 2016 in Berlin).…”
Section: Slavic Psycholinguistics In the Eastern European Countriesmentioning
confidence: 99%