Probing the Representation of Nasal Vowels in Brazilian Portuguese With Language Games

Guimarães, Maximiliano; Nevins, Andrew

doi:10.22456/2238-8915.38298

Cited by 6 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 4 publications

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“…(3) a. vulcão / vulcões 'volcano/es' → vulcâ[n]ico 'volcanic' b. mão / mãos 'hand/s' → ma[n]ual 'manual' c. alemão / alemães 'German/s' → alemâ[n]ico 'Germanic' This thesis is criticized in studies such as those by Abaurre-Gnerre (7), Wetzels (9) and Guimarães & Nevins (16) for alleged lack of synchronic (or psychological) evidence. Formations such as tupi[n]ismo 'Tupinism' or faraô[n]ico 'pharaonic', which are not derived, respectively, from tupĩ(n) or faraõ(n), appear as examples to suggest that the nasal consonant has no affiliation at the base.…”

Section: Word-final Nasals In Portuguesementioning

confidence: 99%

On the emergence of [n] in the derivation of nasal-final words in brazilian portuguese

Schwindt

Abaurre

2022

J. of Speech Sci.

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This article deals with the correspondence between words closed by [n] followed by a vowel-initial suffix (e.g., ca[n]al 'channel', tupi[n]ismo 'Tupinism') and their respective bases in Brazilian Portuguese (e.g., cano 'pipe', tupi 'Tupi'). The data sources for the analysis are the Corpus Brasileiro, representing the lexicon in use, and a pseudoword test, representing the potential lexicon. Two representational hypotheses are contrasted in the analysis of this correspondence: the abstract approach, in which the bases are assumed to be closed by a VN structure, and the concrete approach, according to which [n] is part of the base or a product of epenthesis. The selection of the pattern VN was assumed as the response variable in the statistical analysis. According to the logistic regression test, final-stress bases and mid and high vowels preceding [n]Vsuffix are predictors of the VN pattern for the two samples. In the potential lexicon, the interaction between high frequency lexical strings and the suffixes -icV and -ismV as well as the random variables 'participant' and 'pseudoword' also contribute to the selection of the base pattern VN. The results confirm the plausibility of the abstract approach in the analysis of [n]Vsuffix forms in Brazilian Portuguese.

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Section: Word-final Nasals In Portuguesementioning

confidence: 99%

On the emergence of [n] in the derivation of nasal-final words in brazilian portuguese

Schwindt

Abaurre

2022

J. of Speech Sci.

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“…The empirical data was elicited through a transformational language game, a tool that has been used in many previous studies to explore issues pertaining to underlying phonological representations (e.g. Chomsky & Halle, 1968;Davis, 1993;Nevins & Vaux, 2003;Guimarães & Nevins, 2013). For instance, Harris (2001, apud Nevins & Vaux, 2007 discussed the underlying nature of the Spanish rhotics by referring to a language game that inverts the order of syllables, arguing that the underlying form of the Spanish strong-R [r] is actually a tap.…”

Section: Current Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The stimuli consist of 24 disyllabic trochaic words of the CVCV form: 8 test items, with an initial rhotic; 12 fillers, with an initial consonant other than a rhotic; and 4 control items with an initial /s/. Inspired by Guimarães & Nevins (2013), we included these control items with the purpose of detecting potential orthographic influence. Notice that, for a word such as <saco> ([ˈsaku]), the derived word <pasaco> could lead to two possible realizations, [ˈpasɐku] or [ˈpazɐku].…”

Section: Current Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

Portuguese Has Two Underlying Rhotics: Evidence from Lisbon and Carioca Varieties

Zhou

Jesus

2022

AMP

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Like many Romance languages, Portuguese has a weak-r (tap) and a strong-R (posterior fricative). At the surface level, these two rhotics are only contrastive between vowels, whereas they are neutralized in other positions. How the Portuguese rhotics are represented at the underlying level is still a matter of debate. Competing analyses differ with respect to whether the Portuguese word-initial strong-R is derived by a position-sensitive rule (one-rhotic analysis) or stems from its underlying form faithfully (two-rhotic account). In the current study, we designed a transformational language game to probe the underlying nature of this initial rhotic. The participants were asked to name objects represented in pictures and to add a stressed prefix [ˈpa] whenever an object was presented in black-and-white. 8 native speakers from Lisbon and 8 from Rio de Janeiro participated in the game. In general ,participants consistently produced a posterior fricative after prefixation. These data show that the Portuguese word-initial strong-R is not a result of rule application, suggesting that Portuguese has two underlying rhotics.

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“…It should be noted that, in the literature on BP, it has been proposed that items such as (2b) exhibit phonological nasality, while items such as (2c) exhibit phonetic nasality (e.g., Leite (1974); see also Guimarães & Nevins (2013)). For analyses that follow this assumption, the crucial difference between the two forms of nasality is that, in phonological nasality, the vowel is nasal underlyingly (e.g., /5/).…”

Section: English Loanwords With /2/ In Brazilian Portuguesementioning

confidence: 99%

Native and Non-Native Patterns in Conflict: Lexicon vs. Grammar in Loanword Adaptation in Brazilian Portuguese

Guzzo

2019

AMP

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English loanwords with /ʌ/ that are part of the Brazilian Portuguese (BP) lexicon are normally produced with [ɐ] (pub: [ˈpɐbɪ]). Although [ɐ] is the closest segment to /ʌ/ in the native inventory, it is highly constrained in BP: it is an allophone of /a/ that can only appear in nasal contexts. This paper investigates whether native speakers of BP generalize to novel loanwords the adaptation pattern of English /ʌ/ that is present in the BP lexicon. Two experiments were conducted, one with real loanwords and one with nonce loanwords. In the Real Loanword Experiment, participants consistently used [ɐ] both in oral (pub) and nasal contexts (funk), as predicted given the patterns in the lexicon. In the Nonce Loanword Experiment, participants used [ɐ] significantly more frequently in nasal contexts – in oral contexts, the most frequent adaptation was [a]. This reveals that speakers employ their native grammar to filter new loanwords: in contexts where [ɐ] is not licensed, they favor the corresponding licensed form. These results suggest that native speakers do not generalize non-native patterns that are present in the lexicon, mirroring what has been observed for the generalization of unnatural patterns in native grammars (e.g., Garcia 2017; Jarosz 2017).

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Probing the Representation of Nasal Vowels in Brazilian Portuguese With Language Games

Cited by 6 publications

References 4 publications

On the emergence of [n] in the derivation of nasal-final words in brazilian portuguese

On the emergence of [n] in the derivation of nasal-final words in brazilian portuguese

Portuguese Has Two Underlying Rhotics: Evidence from Lisbon and Carioca Varieties

Native and Non-Native Patterns in Conflict: Lexicon vs. Grammar in Loanword Adaptation in Brazilian Portuguese

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